tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-80323915849089723162024-03-19T16:01:19.629+05:00Collective BlogCollective for Social Science Researchhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/08041732365100452261noreply@blogger.comBlogger128125tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8032391584908972316.post-19844868082256224492021-07-28T11:55:00.003+05:002021-07-28T11:56:42.365+05:00Malfunctioning Democracy: Attacks on Pakistani Journalists Amidst the Pandemic <p> By: <a href="http://www.researchcollective.org/researchers_info.php?cat=author&val=A_127">Asiya Jawed</a></p><table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><tbody><tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj3FSjYvGEyYb2jG5dmUbyCacbyiLVxNAGhSmKRZ0GOv8oGhMNcqbr6Z4fOUoAxCUA8dd6JKDYcc5KlKpZHuXhAV6wr2gjdPU81CaSDm00zNRPJLvi40pOAr6BLjYA7kTtZpryjGfAKv3M/s930/journalists+in+Pakistan.jpeg" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" data-original-height="550" data-original-width="930" height="378" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj3FSjYvGEyYb2jG5dmUbyCacbyiLVxNAGhSmKRZ0GOv8oGhMNcqbr6Z4fOUoAxCUA8dd6JKDYcc5KlKpZHuXhAV6wr2gjdPU81CaSDm00zNRPJLvi40pOAr6BLjYA7kTtZpryjGfAKv3M/w640-h378/journalists+in+Pakistan.jpeg" width="640" /></a></td></tr><tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Protest after attack on journalist Asad Ali Toor in May 2021. <br />Photo credit: Khizer Habib<br /><br /><br /><br /><br /></td></tr></tbody></table><span id="docs-internal-guid-9aaf6629-7fff-68f3-fa05-37892de747f0"><p dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.38; margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt;"><span style="background-color: white; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">In Pakistan, press freedom has been under strain for</span><a href="http://www.researchcollective.org/Documents/Khan_Ayesha_Navigating_Civic_Spaces_In_Pakistan_Baseline_Report.pdf" style="text-decoration-line: none;"><span style="background-color: white; color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> </span><span style="background-color: white; color: blue; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; text-decoration-line: underline; text-decoration-skip-ink: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">several years</span></a><span style="background-color: white; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> and the space for journalists has been specifically</span><a href="http://www.researchcollective.org/Documents/Navigating_Civic_Spaces_During_a_Pandemic_Pakistan_Report_2021.pdf" style="text-decoration-line: none;"><span style="background-color: white; color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> </span><span style="background-color: white; color: blue; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; text-decoration-line: underline; text-decoration-skip-ink: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">shrinking</span></a><span style="background-color: white; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> since the</span><a href="https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/news/2018/12/the-year-of-shrinking-freedoms/" style="text-decoration-line: none;"><span style="background-color: white; color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> </span><span style="background-color: white; color: #1155cc; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; text-decoration-line: underline; text-decoration-skip-ink: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">2018</span></a><span style="background-color: white; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> elections. During 2020, it was vital for the public to receive accurate news regarding the pandemic. But as the government built a narrative of effectively</span><a href="https://www.who.int/news-room/feature-stories/detail/covid-19-in-pakistan-who-fighting-tirelessly-against-the-odds" style="text-decoration-line: none;"><span style="background-color: white; color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> </span><span style="background-color: white; color: #1155cc; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; text-decoration-line: underline; text-decoration-skip-ink: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">handling</span></a><span style="background-color: white; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> the crisis, journalists were harassed, kidnapped, beaten and arrested in an effort to silence critical voices. In this blog, I will discuss how Pakistani journalists were attacked for fact-based reporting during a raging pandemic, and the tactics used to curb dissident voices in our so-called democratic state.</span></p><p dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.38; margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt;"><span style="background-color: white; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> </span></p><p dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.38; margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt;"><span style="background-color: white; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">The discussion below is based on research conducted at the Collective to examine</span><a href="https://www.ids.ac.uk/projects/navigating-civic-space/" style="text-decoration-line: none;"><span style="background-color: white; color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> </span><span style="background-color: white; color: #1155cc; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; text-decoration-line: underline; text-decoration-skip-ink: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">changes in civic space during Covid,</span></a><span style="background-color: white; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> as part of the</span><a href="https://www.ids.ac.uk/programme-and-centre/action-for-empowerment-and-accountability-a4ea/" style="text-decoration-line: none;"><span style="background-color: white; color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> </span><span style="background-color: white; color: #1155cc; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; text-decoration-line: underline; text-decoration-skip-ink: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">Action for Empowerment and Accountability (A4EA)</span></a><span style="background-color: white; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> programme at the</span><a href="https://www.ids.ac.uk/" style="text-decoration-line: none;"><span style="background-color: white; color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> </span><span style="background-color: white; color: #1155cc; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; text-decoration-line: underline; text-decoration-skip-ink: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">Institute of Development Studies (IDS)</span></a><span style="background-color: white; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> in the UK. We hosted observatory panels with academics, activists and human rights defenders, conducted key informant interviews with relevant stakeholders from impacted arenas and carried out a year-long media tracking to analyse how Pakistan’s civic space evolved amidst the pandemic.</span></p><br /><p dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.38; margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt;"><span style="background-color: white; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-weight: 700; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><i>Undermining Democracy</i></span></p><br /><p dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.38; margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt;"><span style="background-color: white; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">Along with the legislature, executive and judiciary, media is considered to be the fourth</span><a href="https://nation.com.pk/04-Jun-2020/media-the-fourth-pillar-of-the-state" style="text-decoration-line: none;"><span style="background-color: white; color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> </span><span style="background-color: white; color: #1155cc; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; text-decoration-line: underline; text-decoration-skip-ink: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">pillar</span></a><span style="background-color: white; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> of a democracy. An independent media is an essential condition for a democratic state. The degeneration of freedom of press in Pakistan can be measured through the World Press Freedom Index where the country</span><a href="https://rsf.org/en/pakistan?nl=ok" style="text-decoration-line: none;"><span style="background-color: white; color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> </span><span style="background-color: white; color: #1155cc; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; text-decoration-line: underline; text-decoration-skip-ink: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">slipped</span></a><span style="background-color: white; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> by six points from 139th position in 2017 to 145th in 2020 out of the 180 countries measured.</span></p><br /><p dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.38; margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt;"><span style="background-color: white; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">Pakistan is considered a “hybrid regime” - a</span><a href="https://www.dawn.com/news/1584372" style="text-decoration-line: none;"><span style="background-color: white; color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> </span><span style="background-color: white; color: #1155cc; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; text-decoration-line: underline; text-decoration-skip-ink: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">term</span></a><span style="background-color: white; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> specifically used to explain the current PTI-led coalition government. The ruling party is accused of being an artificially bolstered civilian</span><a href="https://www.dawn.com/news/1584372" style="text-decoration-line: none;"><span style="background-color: white; color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> </span><span style="background-color: white; color: #1155cc; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; text-decoration-line: underline; text-decoration-skip-ink: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">vessel</span></a><span style="background-color: white; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> of the military establishment, which uses the facade of a functioning democracy to preserve its political influence. Even though the government mostly denies such claims, it also takes pride in working with the military in several circumstances - such as</span><a href="https://thediplomat.com/2020/09/pakistans-fight-against-covid-19-has-made-imran-khan-stronger/" style="text-decoration-line: none;"><span style="background-color: white; color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> </span><span style="background-color: white; color: #1155cc; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; text-decoration-line: underline; text-decoration-skip-ink: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">fighting</span></a><span style="background-color: white; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> the pandemic.</span></p><p dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.38; margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt;"><span style="background-color: white; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> </span></p><p dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.38; margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt;"><span style="background-color: white; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">On 13th March 2020, the National Coordination Committee (NCC) was set-up without Cabinet</span><a href="http://hrcp-web.org/hrcpweb/wp-content/uploads/2020/08/Citizens-Covid19-Government-Pakistans-response-EN.pdf" style="text-decoration-line: none;"><span style="background-color: white; color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> </span><span style="background-color: white; color: #1155cc; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; text-decoration-line: underline; text-decoration-skip-ink: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">approval</span></a><span style="background-color: white; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> and the National Disaster Management Authority (NDMA), a civilian organization headed by a serving lieutenant general, was considered the lead operating agency to campaign against the virus. Soon after, National Command and Operation Center (NCOC) was set up as the implementing body of NCC but due to its sorely disproportionate</span><a href="http://hrcp-web.org/hrcpweb/wp-content/uploads/2020/08/Citizens-Covid19-Government-Pakistans-response-EN.pdf" style="text-decoration-line: none;"><span style="background-color: white; color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> </span><span style="background-color: white; color: #1155cc; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; text-decoration-line: underline; text-decoration-skip-ink: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">composition</span></a><span style="background-color: white; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">, with unelected individuals in key positions, the Parliament had very little voice in its deliberations. Yet it continued to handle the pandemic, urban flooding in August 2020, and the vaccine rollout. </span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">As government centralized the dissemination of pandemic data through NCOC, journalists increasingly questioned the state’s handling of the pandemic.</span></p><br /><p dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.38; margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt;"><span style="background-color: white; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-weight: 700; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><i>Contesting the Covid-19 Narrative</i></span></p><br /><p dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.38; margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt;"><span style="background-color: white; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">As immense power was given to the establishment to regulate the growth of the virus in the country, their response also had to be portrayed as a</span><a href="https://tribune.com.pk/story/2189878/1-live-pm-imran-announce-massive-package-construction-industry" style="text-decoration-line: none;"><span style="background-color: white; color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> </span><span style="background-color: white; color: #1155cc; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; text-decoration-line: underline; text-decoration-skip-ink: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">victory</span></a><span style="background-color: white; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">. During this time, journalists were considered</span><a href="http://library.fes.de/pdf-files/bueros/pakistan/17234.pdf" style="text-decoration-line: none;"><span style="background-color: white; color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> </span><span style="background-color: white; color: #1155cc; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; text-decoration-line: underline; text-decoration-skip-ink: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">front-line</span></a><span style="background-color: white; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> workers because they were risking their lives to report accurate information to the public. But we found consistent efforts to suppress voices critical of the state.</span></p><p dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.38; margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt;"><span style="background-color: white; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> </span></p><p dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.38; margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt;"><span style="background-color: white; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">As Pakistan was recovering from the first wave of Covid-19 in July 2020, Matiullah Jan, a prominent journalist </span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">outspoken in his critique of the government on a number of</span><a href="https://www.firstpost.com/world/pakistani-journalist-matiullah-jan-vocal-critic-of-countrys-powerful-military-released-after-day-long-abduction-8627741.html" style="text-decoration-line: none;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> </span><span style="color: blue; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; text-decoration-line: underline; text-decoration-skip-ink: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">issues</span></a><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> was</span><a href="https://www.thenews.com.pk/latest/689949-journalist-matiullah-jan-goes-missing-from-islamabad-hrcp" style="text-decoration-line: none;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> </span><span style="color: #1155cc; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; text-decoration-line: underline; text-decoration-skip-ink: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">abducted</span></a><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> by unidentified security officials in the capital in broad daylight. One reason suspected for his abduction was Jan’s support for the</span><a href="https://globalvoices.org/2020/07/26/journalists-abduction-raises-concerns-about-media-freedom-in-pakistan/" style="text-decoration-line: none;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> </span><span style="color: #1155cc; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; text-decoration-line: underline; text-decoration-skip-ink: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">politicized attack</span></a><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> on a senior judge of the Supreme Court, Qazi Faez Isa, who is under investigation for</span><a href="https://www.samaa.tv/news/pakistan/2020/07/supreme-court-issues-contempt-notice-to-journalist-over-derogatory-tweet/" style="text-decoration-line: none;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> </span><span style="color: blue; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; text-decoration-line: underline; text-decoration-skip-ink: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">underreporting</span></a><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> his family’s assets. However, according to Jan’s account, the abductors suggested they may have picked up the wrong man. A few days later, without any announcement or reason given, a para-military force called the Rangers,</span><a href="https://ifex.org/pakistan-rangers-enter-karachi-press-club-without-permission/" style="text-decoration-line: none;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> </span><span style="color: #1155cc; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; text-decoration-line: underline; text-decoration-skip-ink: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">raided</span></a><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> the Karachi Press Club. This added to the perception that journalists need to be careful not to cross the ‘miltablishment’ – a popular term for the combined military-civilian interests that support the status quo and resist democratization.</span></p><p dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.38; margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> </span></p><p dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.38; margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">In the following months, other journalists were also arrested and charged for raising their voice against the establishment. Bilal Farooqui, a senior journalist at Express Tribune, was taken into</span><a href="https://www.dw.com/en/pakistan-journalist-bilal-farooqi-arrested-over-posts-criticizing-army/a-54902421" style="text-decoration-line: none;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> </span><span style="color: #1155cc; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; text-decoration-line: underline; text-decoration-skip-ink: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">custody</span></a><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> for sharing “highly provocative” posts on his social media platforms against the Pakistani Army. Absar Alam, a journalist and ex-chairman of Pakistan Electronic Media Regulatory Authority (PEMRA) was</span><a href="https://www.thenews.com.pk/print/713702-journalist-held-for-spreading-hatred" style="text-decoration-line: none;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> </span><span style="color: #1155cc; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; text-decoration-line: underline; text-decoration-skip-ink: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">charged</span></a><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> with high treason by Jhelum Police for doing the same.</span></p><br /><p dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.38; margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">Almost ten days after these events, the ruling party introduced the</span><a href="https://www.thenews.com.pk/print/715282-govt-moves-amendment-bill-in-na-ridiculing-armed-forces-personnel-to-be-a-crime#:~:text=ISLAMABAD%3A%20The%20government%20on%20Tuesday,forces%20as%20a%20punishable%20crime.&text=The%20National%20Assembly%20also%20passed,(3rd%20Amendment)%20Bill%202020." style="text-decoration-line: none;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> </span><span style="color: #1155cc; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; text-decoration-line: underline; text-decoration-skip-ink: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">Criminal Law Amendment Bill 2020</span></a><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> to propose an amendment to section 500 of the Pakistan Penal Code. It states, “</span><span style="background-color: white; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">Whosoever intentionally ridicules, brings into disrepute or defames the Armed Forces of Pakistan or a member thereof, shall be guilty of an offence punishable with imprisonment for a term which may extend to two years, or fine which may extend to five hundred thousand rupees, or with both.” Even after backlash from the opposition, the National Assembly</span><a href="https://www.dawn.com/news/1617040" style="text-decoration-line: none;"><span style="background-color: white; color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> </span><span style="background-color: white; color: #1155cc; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; text-decoration-line: underline; text-decoration-skip-ink: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">approved</span></a><span style="background-color: white; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> the bill in April 2021.</span></p><br /><p dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.38; margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt;"><span style="background-color: white; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">The bill actively disregards the</span><a href="https://www.thenews.com.pk/print/311886-article-19-and-threat-to-media" style="text-decoration-line: none;"><span style="background-color: white; color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> </span><span style="background-color: white; color: #1155cc; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; text-decoration-line: underline; text-decoration-skip-ink: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">constitutional rights</span></a><span style="background-color: white; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> of Pakistani citizens, further dismantling the foundation of democracy. Even though Article 19 of the constitution guarantees the right to freedom of speech and expression, and upholds freedom of the press, this is</span><a href="http://www.pakistani.org/pakistan/constitution/part2.ch1.html" style="text-decoration-line: none;"><span style="background-color: white; color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> </span><span style="background-color: white; color: #1155cc; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; text-decoration-line: underline; text-decoration-skip-ink: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">subject</span></a><span style="background-color: white; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> to restrictions imposed by law in the interest of the security or defence of Pakistan. This loophole helped the interior ministry argue in support of the 2020 Bill. The</span><a href="https://www.dawn.com/news/1617040" style="text-decoration-line: none;"><span style="background-color: white; color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> </span><span style="background-color: white; color: #1155cc; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; text-decoration-line: underline; text-decoration-skip-ink: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">working paper</span></a><span style="background-color: white; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> presented with the amendment bill states, “The incidents of defaming the armed forces have increased in the country and some disruptive elements, for furtherance of their political objectives, engage in this undesirable practice which is very defamatory and demoralizing for the Armed Forces of Pakistan.” However, this isn’t the first time that the defamation card has been played to silence journalists.</span><a href="http://bolobhi.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/10/Major-contentions-PECA-2016.pdf" style="text-decoration-line: none;"><span style="background-color: white; color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> </span><span style="background-color: white; color: #1155cc; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; text-decoration-line: underline; text-decoration-skip-ink: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">Section 20</span></a><span style="background-color: white; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> of the draconian Prevention of Electronic Crimes Act (PECA) 2016 Act criminalises the act of publicly exhibiting, displaying or transmitting information one knows “to be false, and intimidates or harms the reputation or privacy of a natural person.”</span></p><p dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.38; margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt;"><span style="background-color: white; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> </span></p><p dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.38; margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt;"><span style="background-color: white; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-weight: 700; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><i>Harassment of Women Journalists</i></span></p><p dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.38; margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt;"><span style="background-color: white; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> </span></p><p dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.38; margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt;"><span style="background-color: white; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">The Federal Investigation Agency (FIA) has scrutinized both male and female journalists for reporting against the state, but online harassment against female journalists </span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">belonging to different press and television outlets </span><span style="background-color: white; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">increased during the pandemic as they began reporting on social media. </span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">Benazir Shah, Editor at the Geo News, has been collecting information about the virus since 27th February 2020 - when Pakistan reported its first Covid-19 case. Since she didn’t receive reports from the government in the initial stages of the disease spread, she called hospitals, laboratories and graveyards to collect and</span><a href="https://www.firstpost.com/world/pakistani-journalist-matiullah-jan-vocal-critic-of-countrys-powerful-military-released-after-day-long-abduction-8627741.html" style="text-decoration-line: none;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> </span><span style="color: blue; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; text-decoration-line: underline; text-decoration-skip-ink: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">report</span></a><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> the number of cases and deaths.</span></p><br /><p dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.38; margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">Shah believes that the ruling party began a coordinated campaign against her, and other women journalists who reported about the virus or questioned the government. </span><span style="background-color: white; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">“Since I began Covid reporting […] my timeline would just be flooded with abuses”. During my interview with her she claimed that the harassment campaign is intended to “target women journalists so much that they stop tweeting.” </span><span style="color: #262626; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">The state is so sensitive to critical Covid-19 coverage because it has tried very hard “to paint this entire pandemic and their response to it as a success.” The ruling party desperately needs this “win”, therefore they challenge honest reporting and harass women journalists to curb their voices.</span></p><br /><p dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.38; margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt;"><span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">Similarly, Allia Zehra, a journalist from Naya Daur published an article in early March highlighting PM’s</span><a href="https://nayadaur.tv/2020/03/coronavirus-crisis-has-exposed-imran-khans-leadership-deficit/" style="text-decoration-line: none;"><span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> </span><span style="background-color: white; color: #1155cc; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; text-decoration-line: underline; text-decoration-skip-ink: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">leadership deficit</span></a><span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> during the Covid-19 pandemic. She has since been trolled many times on Twitter by anonymous accounts supporting the ruling party, and has received rape and death threats on the platform. Zehra shares, “The Covid situation exposed the government's incompetence and its inability to deal with such a situation - which is what we reported… And, of course, women journalists are an easier target.”</span></p><p dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.38; margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> </span></p><p dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.38; margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt;"><span style="color: #262626; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">With close controls on mainstream media, it is also becoming difficult for journalists to post information on social media. Shah explains, </span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">“</span><span style="color: #262626; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">A lot of us now are also scared of tweeting because there are journalists, male journalists mostly, who have been charged under PECA. What if any of our tweets are pulled out and used against us or distorted or a case registered against us? I think that fear is very real.”</span></p><br /><p dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.38; margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-weight: 700; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><i>Shrinking Space for Journalists</i></span></p><p dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.38; margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> </span></p><p dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.38; margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">Indeed in</span><span style="color: #262626; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> September 2020, male journalist Asad Ali Toor was</span><a href="https://tribune.com.pk/story/2264105/journalist-asad-ali-toor-booked-for-maligning-state-institutions" style="text-decoration-line: none;"><span style="color: #262626; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> </span><span style="color: #1155cc; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; text-decoration-line: underline; text-decoration-skip-ink: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">booked</span></a><span style="color: #262626; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> under PECA’s section 11 (hate speech), 20 (offences against dignity of a person) and 37 (unlawful online content) for spreading “negative propaganda” against the state. Nine months later, he was</span><a href="https://tribune.com.pk/story/2301569/journalist-asad-ali-toor-attacked-in-islamabad" style="text-decoration-line: none;"><span style="color: #262626; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> </span><span style="color: #1155cc; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; text-decoration-line: underline; text-decoration-skip-ink: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">attacked</span></a><span style="color: #262626; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> in his own apartment by three armed men allegedly from the Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) agency who questioned Toor about the “sources” of his income and funding. The attack led to a</span><a href="https://www.dawn.com/news/1625003/bill-for-protection-of-journalists-media-persons-tabled-in-na" style="text-decoration-line: none;"><span style="color: #262626; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> </span><span style="color: #1155cc; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; text-decoration-line: underline; text-decoration-skip-ink: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">bill</span></a><span style="color: #262626; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> tabled by opposition legislators to protect journalists on 21st May 2021 in the National Assembly, which is now in Senate.</span></p><br /><p dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.38; margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt;"><span style="color: #262626; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">Amidst the outcry of Toor’s arrest, Information Minister Fawad Chaudhary</span><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=I1rXoqRqHlg" style="text-decoration-line: none;"><span style="color: #262626; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> </span><span style="color: #1155cc; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; text-decoration-line: underline; text-decoration-skip-ink: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">claimed</span></a><span style="color: #262626; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> during BBC’s hardtalk that there was a “history” of people accusing intelligence agencies to receive asylum abroad. His comments shadowed former President General Musharraf’s</span><a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/archive/politics/2005/09/19/musharraf-denies-rape-comments/5f2e0d4c-5ff2-4273-81e5-878cd59a1744/" style="text-decoration-line: none;"><span style="color: #262626; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> </span><span style="color: #1155cc; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; text-decoration-line: underline; text-decoration-skip-ink: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">insensitive remarks</span></a><span style="color: #262626; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> in 2005, that Pakistani women cry rape in order to seek asylum abroad. If we were living in a well-functioning democracy, this notion wouldn’t have even existed.</span></p><p dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.38; margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt;"><span style="color: #262626; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> </span></p><p dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.38; margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt;"><span style="color: #262626; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">The ruling party has deliberately silenced journalists and muzzled the media to protect its bemusing policies and decisions during the pandemic. Journalists are targeted by the state for trying to provide the public with timely and accurate information. Their arrest and harassment is further tightening shrinking civic space, jeopardizing the healthy critique of the state so integral to building a functioning democracy.</span></p><div><span style="color: #262626; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br /></span></div></span><p><br /></p>Asiya Jawedhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/03575738007861014951noreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8032391584908972316.post-78265914959312486682021-03-12T12:18:00.003+05:002021-03-12T12:39:03.940+05:002020 in Review: Pakistani Students and the Pandemic<div class="separator"><br /></div><p> By <a href="http://researchcollective.org/researchers_info.php?cat=author&val=A_127">Asiya Jawed</a> and <a href="http://researchcollective.org/researchers_info.php?cat=author&val=A_134">Haleema Hasan</a> </p><table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><tbody><tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi9hmxHFjsd1v_llda2p_sLBz7km21olAZsajh7JnLT9CBOpdU-85Fxxr92rQDR5N01GR7-3uP_VQiibGMqerUMBxFCfHz70UuZRcAEDFFrYVz-WqJsWmW9_40YgahKV_LWfOKMroKtQf0/s1200/Student+blog+picture.jpeg" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" data-original-height="630" data-original-width="1200" height="336" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi9hmxHFjsd1v_llda2p_sLBz7km21olAZsajh7JnLT9CBOpdU-85Fxxr92rQDR5N01GR7-3uP_VQiibGMqerUMBxFCfHz70UuZRcAEDFFrYVz-WqJsWmW9_40YgahKV_LWfOKMroKtQf0/w640-h336/Student+blog+picture.jpeg" width="640" /></a></td></tr><tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Students in Karachi stage a protest against online classes <br />Source: <a href="https://scroll.in/article/965940/covid-19-as-pakistani-universities-moves-classes-online-students-protest-lack-of-internet-access">Scroll.in</a> </td></tr></tbody></table><br /><br /><span id="docs-internal-guid-1c809dfd-7fff-f3ed-d77e-e5f0266901a1"><p dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.38; margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">In April 2020, a month after the first coronavirus </span><a href="https://www.dawn.com/news/1536792" style="text-decoration-line: none;"><span style="color: #1155cc; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; text-decoration-line: underline; text-decoration-skip-ink: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">cases</span></a><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> were detected, </span><a href="https://www.bbc.com/worklife/article/20200713-the-coronavirus-effect-on-pakistans-digital-divide" style="text-decoration-line: none;"><span style="color: #1155cc; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; text-decoration-line: underline; text-decoration-skip-ink: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">300,000</span></a><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> schools closed in Pakistan and </span><a href="https://www.arabnews.pk/node/1713156" style="text-decoration-line: none;"><span style="color: #1155cc; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; text-decoration-line: underline; text-decoration-skip-ink: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">46 million</span></a><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> Pakistani students were forced to stay at home. Almost six months later, schools had only partially opened whilst students and teachers were still acquainting themselves with online learning methods. </span></p><p dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.38; margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><span id="docs-internal-guid-17ae0fc0-7fff-b8ff-6438-4699b40e87ea"></span></span></p><table cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="float: left; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><tbody><tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiwbrET-8YqSAinjlR2QW4zBBWDjboAFUBPG3ZekUvXr3EDxqWanipkv0VTTu8K8knLQ8m2AKvLtuGKIjJijwkSrzAVEaMBRmq5STGcZbDGXO3TltvaLINWE4pxQuYna4SXkFQhlArsJco/" style="clear: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img alt="" data-original-height="265" data-original-width="469" height="181" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiwbrET-8YqSAinjlR2QW4zBBWDjboAFUBPG3ZekUvXr3EDxqWanipkv0VTTu8K8knLQ8m2AKvLtuGKIjJijwkSrzAVEaMBRmq5STGcZbDGXO3TltvaLINWE4pxQuYna4SXkFQhlArsJco/w286-h181/image.png" width="286" /></a></td></tr><tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><span style="font-size: xx-small;">Source: <a href="https://www.pbs.gov.pk/sites/default/files/pslm/publications/pslm_hies_2018_19_provincial/key_findings_report_of_plsm_hies_2018_19.pdf">Pakistan Social and Living Standards Measurement 2018-19</a></span></td></tr></tbody></table><p dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.38; margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt;"><span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 12pt; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre;"><span id="docs-internal-guid-86752551-7fff-0b14-b79d-a3378de47512"><span style="font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">In this blog we review what 2020 looked like for Pakistani students, exploring the intricacies of class, gender and ethnicity amidst a raging pandemic. The year also saw consistent protests, struggles for student unions and politicization of students’ demands. As with its impacts on other segments of society, the pandemic’s impact on students has been defined by their varying vulnerabilities and privileges, and the ways that these intersect. </span></span></span></p><p dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.38; margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br /></span></p><p dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.38; margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt;"><table cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="float: right; margin-left: 1em; text-align: right;"><tbody><tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEg5gVtrrZT-pk9VSkRkBBGf_01KjTZXfnFqXGwqQNGSPGJcEaHd18lHU0uQW9IIVDTtxxAVbKKfuoQoEDZYo1l9bwWhvGTQDH9RXv4wbIlSv7zkbv0evdeoHJm28ML40FirQHdgdqBv3bo/" style="clear: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img alt="" data-original-height="281" data-original-width="450" height="209" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEg5gVtrrZT-pk9VSkRkBBGf_01KjTZXfnFqXGwqQNGSPGJcEaHd18lHU0uQW9IIVDTtxxAVbKKfuoQoEDZYo1l9bwWhvGTQDH9RXv4wbIlSv7zkbv0evdeoHJm28ML40FirQHdgdqBv3bo/w334-h209/image.png" width="334" /></a></td></tr><tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">Source: </span><a href="https://www.pbs.gov.pk/sites/default/files/pslm/publications/pslm_hies_2018_19_provincial/key_findings_report_of_plsm_hies_2018_19.pdf" style="font-size: x-small;">Pakistan Social and Living Standards Measu</a></td></tr></tbody></table><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">Our monthly observatory panels, event tracking catalogue and key informant interviews for </span><a href="https://www.ids.ac.uk/projects/navigating-civic-space/" style="text-decoration-line: none;"><span style="color: #1155cc; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; text-decoration-line: underline; text-decoration-skip-ink: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">Navigating Civic Spaces</span></a><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> in the Time of Covid-19 highlight Pakistani students’ problems amidst a global health crisis. Academics and students informed us that marginalized students’ problems were greater due to their intersecting vulnerabilities. Advocating for their rights became an arduous task in the current climate of </span><a href="http://www.researchcollective.org/Documents/Khan_Ayesha_Navigating_Civic_Spaces_In_Pakistan_Baseline_Report.pdf" style="text-decoration-line: none;"><span style="color: #1155cc; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; text-decoration-line: underline; text-decoration-skip-ink: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">shrinking civic space</span></a><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">. </span></p><p dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.38; margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-weight: 700; white-space: pre-wrap;">
Class</span></p><br /><p dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.38; margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt;"></p><table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="float: left; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><tbody><tr><td style="text-align: center;"><img alt="" data-original-height="182" data-original-width="280" height="191" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhnPCDzkRzcwFaKyzathOMEF0F_ijquj76cCwE7djhHGOxRHfYAK5JNphIzufASyW-Ru3BC77MIZ1J5au98fk-riIoWhGvavG4MuDkZT8-kNxYdpO3JenokJNCG-gKfs2iw8pZCniPafPo/w251-h191/image.png" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;" width="251" /></td></tr><tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><span style="font-size: xx-small;">Source: <a href="https://www.unicef.org/pakistan/education">UNICEF,</a> <a href="https://openknowledge.worldbank.org/handle/10986/34659">World Bank</a></span></td></tr></tbody></table><span id="docs-internal-guid-44dc198f-7fff-4c47-4215-70dae1cc3b1c"><p dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.38; margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">The virus impacted students from low socio-economic backgrounds the most. The poorest households have the least </span><a href="http://lahoreschoolofeconomics.edu.pk/EconomicsJournal/Journals/Volume%2018/Issue%20SP/02%20Masooma%20Habib.pdf" style="text-decoration-line: none;"><span style="color: #1155cc; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; text-decoration-line: underline; text-decoration-skip-ink: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">access</span></a><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> to education as the proportion of out-of-school children is highest in the lowest income quintile and rich households are more </span><a href="https://www.cgdev.org/sites/default/files/covid-19-pakistan-phone-survey-assess-education-economic-and-health-related-outcomes.pdf" style="text-decoration-line: none;"><span style="color: #1155cc; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; text-decoration-line: underline; text-decoration-skip-ink: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">likely</span></a><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> to use technology. </span><a href="https://www.unicef.org/pakistan/education" style="text-decoration-line: none;"><span style="color: #1155cc; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; text-decoration-line: underline; text-decoration-skip-ink: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">Most</span></a><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> Pakistani students can’t afford internet services or live in remote localities without reception. Despite these circumstances, educational institutions and the state chose to conduct online examinations and charge full fees even when students weren’t occupying campus spaces. </span></p><p dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.38; margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt;"><span style="background-color: white; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">
Online learning became a logistical hassle for many living in remote and underdeveloped areas. An academic at University of Sindh, Jamshoro was shocked when she saw students in mud houses or sitting under trees to attend their online classes. At times she saw her female students sitting on the stairs in their houses because they didn’t have a private space without any noise. </span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">Substantial class differences heighten the disparities within the education sector, and female students are at a greater disadvantage. </span></p><div><br /></div></span></span><br /><p dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.38; margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-weight: 700; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">Gender</span></p><p dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.38; margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br /></span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">After schools shut down, girls </span><a href="https://www.arabnews.pk/node/1713156" style="text-decoration-line: none;"><span style="color: #1155cc; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; text-decoration-line: underline; text-decoration-skip-ink: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">shouldered</span></a><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> most of the work in the household or faced the risk of being forcefully married. However, this discriminatory period became a </span><a href="https://www.thenews.com.pk/print/680366-online-harassment-cases-pop-up-amid-campuses-closure" style="text-decoration-line: none;"><span style="color: #1155cc; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; text-decoration-line: underline; text-decoration-skip-ink: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">catalyst</span></a><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> for several female students to voice their concerns. One of the most pertinent problems that female students raised through offline and online protests was on-going sexual harassment in educational settings. </span></p><p dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.38; margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br /></span></p><p dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.38; margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">In November 2020, students of Karakoram International University (KIU) registered harassment complaints against the university’s scholarship officer but were instead </span><a href="https://twitter.com/Zaighum_A/status/1343527443244707846" style="text-decoration-line: none;"><span style="color: #1155cc; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; text-decoration-line: underline; text-decoration-skip-ink: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">booked</span></a><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> on different charges and two of them even arrested. Although 300 students </span><a href="https://www.dawn.com/news/1591592" style="text-decoration-line: none;"><span style="color: #1155cc; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; text-decoration-line: underline; text-decoration-skip-ink: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">protested</span></a><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> outside the Vice Chancellor’s (VC) office, they didn’t receive justice. The VC took notice of the complaints and set up a </span><a href="https://www.dawn.com/news/1591592" style="text-decoration-line: none;"><span style="color: #1155cc; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; text-decoration-line: underline; text-decoration-skip-ink: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">committee</span></a><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> to probe the incident but there are many problems with such committees too. Rai Ali, a student leader, shared with us, “Female students have to be in rooms full of men and narrate what happened to them which can be an intimidating experience in itself as some of the men in those rooms would end up harassing the victim again.”</span></p><br /><p dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.38; margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">Just ten days before the KIU protest, female students studying in Islamia College Peshawar complained that the faculty and staff of the institution were sending them vulgar text messages, and harassing them under the </span><a href="https://www.dawn.com/news/1589929" style="text-decoration-line: none;"><span style="color: #1155cc; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; text-decoration-line: underline; text-decoration-skip-ink: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">garb</span></a><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> of checking academic work. They held a </span><a href="https://gandhara.rferl.org/a/students-demonstrate-on-march-against-exam-grades-harassment-peshawar/30942886.html" style="text-decoration-line: none;"><span style="color: #1155cc; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; text-decoration-line: underline; text-decoration-skip-ink: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">“Girls Walk Against Harassment”</span></a><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">, demanding the university to appoint a local person to address these complaints and the present committee to function in-line with the Harassment at the Workplace Act 2010. Other students utilized online platforms to address several harassment </span><a href="https://www.vice.com/en/article/7kpwk4/pakistans-me-too-movement-gains-momentum-as-teachers-at-elite-girls-school-face-abuse-accusations" style="text-decoration-line: none;"><span style="color: #1155cc; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; text-decoration-line: underline; text-decoration-skip-ink: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">cases</span></a><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> in elite institutes such as Lahore Grammar School (LGS) and Lahore University of Management Sciences (LUMS).</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br /></span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; text-decoration-line: underline; text-decoration-skip-ink: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br /></span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">However, lack of gender justice in Pakistan transcends class privilege</span><span style="background-color: white; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">. Using online platforms has been risky for students as </span><a href="https://www.sochwriting.com/sued-for-saying-metoo/" style="text-decoration-line: none;"><span style="background-color: white; color: #1155cc; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; text-decoration-line: underline; text-decoration-skip-ink: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">defamation laws</span></a><span style="background-color: white; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> are used in response to #MeToo. LUMS </span><a href="https://nayadaur.tv/2020/06/lums-students-share-horrific-accounts-of-sexual-harassment-assault/" style="text-decoration-line: none;"><span style="background-color: white; color: #1155cc; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; text-decoration-line: underline; text-decoration-skip-ink: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">allegedly</span></a><span style="background-color: white; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> has a history of threatening women in such cases, with a student rightfully </span><a href="https://nayadaur.tv/2020/06/lums-students-share-horrific-accounts-of-sexual-harassment-assault/" style="text-decoration-line: none;"><span style="background-color: white; color: #1155cc; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; text-decoration-line: underline; text-decoration-skip-ink: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">questioning</span></a><span style="background-color: white; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">, “[T]ell me — where do we go if not online? Who is there to listen to us?” While alumna of the school </span><a href="https://nayadaur.tv/2020/06/lums-students-share-horrific-accounts-of-sexual-harassment-assault/" style="text-decoration-line: none;"><span style="background-color: white; color: #1155cc; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; text-decoration-line: underline; text-decoration-skip-ink: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">complained</span></a><span style="background-color: white; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> that the Office of Student Affairs discourages victims to file official complaints, it is also important to </span><a href="https://twitter.com/NidaKirmani/status/1275733579390164993?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw%7Ctwcamp%5Etweetembed%7Ctwterm%5E1275733579390164993%7Ctwgr%5E%7Ctwcon%5Es1_&ref_url=https%3A%2F%2Fnayadaur.tv%2Famp%2F2020%2F06%2Flums-students-share-horrific-accounts-of-sexual-harassment-assault%2F" style="text-decoration-line: none;"><span style="background-color: white; color: #1155cc; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; text-decoration-line: underline; text-decoration-skip-ink: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">use</span></a><span style="background-color: white; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> existing accountability mechanisms in order to strengthen them. School administrations must understand the backlash and trauma that female students face when they come forward to complain, and build gender-sensitive committees with student representatives. </span></p><br /><p dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.38; margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt;"><span style="background-color: white; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-weight: 700; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">Ethnicity and Locality</span></p><p dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.38; margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt;"></p><table cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody><tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEghQ_SYkqgEwHarMjlMZ0M3xtDbxxrjmOlb8CJZRhdmF0dyBjaMlgMzbf1KtjgW7CF0tCeoLm_SBknhDZMX_m4Rg3nCBArBUJcBQRAkqyWx3YlgKu7XXT7slu2zz4EO6b7X-OGRtgx-2b4/" style="clear: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img alt="" data-original-height="206" data-original-width="312" height="206" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEghQ_SYkqgEwHarMjlMZ0M3xtDbxxrjmOlb8CJZRhdmF0dyBjaMlgMzbf1KtjgW7CF0tCeoLm_SBknhDZMX_m4Rg3nCBArBUJcBQRAkqyWx3YlgKu7XXT7slu2zz4EO6b7X-OGRtgx-2b4/w302-h206/image.png" width="302" /></a></td></tr><tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">Source: </span><a href="https://www.pbs.gov.pk/sites/default/files/pslm/publications/pslm_hies_2018_19_provincial/key_findings_report_of_plsm_hies_2018_19.pdf" style="font-size: x-small;">Pakistan Social and Living Standards Measurement 2018-19</a></td></tr></tbody></table><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 16px; white-space: pre-wrap;">In addition to class and gender inequalities, provincial and ethnic vulnerabilities have played a role in how students were affected by COVID-19 and its restrictions. As Chart 3 demonstrates, the urban-rural divide is glaring in terms of access to online learning. Even within rural areas, learning losses differ by province (Table 1) with Balochistan largely faring the poorest.
</span><p></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><span id="docs-internal-guid-e14f9237-7fff-b2d4-60f1-f08eb1149179"><div><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><tbody><tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhsc6BGMe6JygksPno8EyGQO0wJu4JM4jqDubEvppQS3a_b8-W5YMqrdrI_JTeBRC0RCapMDRLaZOdc8qvansJou8Ok2QhquLM2gLH_tYEqHScAci5I4tGC3ztwWH4JaeEbPSKMa0JUg_s/" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img alt="" data-original-height="191" data-original-width="779" height="167" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhsc6BGMe6JygksPno8EyGQO0wJu4JM4jqDubEvppQS3a_b8-W5YMqrdrI_JTeBRC0RCapMDRLaZOdc8qvansJou8Ok2QhquLM2gLH_tYEqHScAci5I4tGC3ztwWH4JaeEbPSKMa0JUg_s/w662-h167/image.png" width="662" /></a></td></tr><tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><span style="font-size: xx-small;">Source: <a href="https://lib.dr.iastate.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1104&context=econ_workingpapers">Who Can Work and Study From Home in Pakistan: Evidence From a 2018-2019 Nationwide Household Survey</a></span></td></tr></tbody></table></span></div><div><br /></div></span></div><p dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.38; margin-bottom: 12pt; margin-top: 12pt;"></p><table cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="float: right;"><tbody><tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjTz0GtAT56c0AeEtSuzR7leXSXt8X8DyA1Ch3mbqMUFuhJ7epHizl2VADeIhapBd-8Xhz_Wap-B8kHKk4EOgeNOCmrSOR-rfAt4nmCfXKpATo3nabr2kfzlt-4h3jSiRtepbxQPj6akfs/" style="clear: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img alt="" data-original-height="119" data-original-width="234" height="129" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjTz0GtAT56c0AeEtSuzR7leXSXt8X8DyA1Ch3mbqMUFuhJ7epHizl2VADeIhapBd-8Xhz_Wap-B8kHKk4EOgeNOCmrSOR-rfAt4nmCfXKpATo3nabr2kfzlt-4h3jSiRtepbxQPj6akfs/w178-h129/image.png" width="178" /></a></td></tr><tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><span style="font-size: xx-small;">Source: <a href="http://www.pakistani.org/pakistan/constitution/part2.ch1.html">Constitution of Pakistan</a></span></td></tr></tbody></table><p dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.38; margin-bottom: 12pt; margin-top: 12pt;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">Against the backdrop of staggering inequalities and a pandemic, students eventually resorted to protesting for their rights. In June, several of them were</span><a href="https://www.newsintervention.com/pakistan-arrests-lady-doctors-students-sitting-on-a-peaceful-protest-in-quetta/:" style="text-decoration-line: none;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> </span><span style="color: #1155cc; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; text-decoration-line: underline; text-decoration-skip-ink: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">arrested</span></a><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> for protesting in Quetta against HEC’s decision to conduct online classes despite structural failures such as power cuts and extreme dearth of internet facilities. The situation is worse for minorities like the Hazaras and those living in conflict-ridden areas of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP) where political violence and deliberate state security measures have created conditions </span><a href="https://www.dawn.com/news/1557355" style="text-decoration-line: none;"><span style="color: #1155cc; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; text-decoration-line: underline; text-decoration-skip-ink: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">similar</span></a><span style="color: #1155cc; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; text-decoration-line: underline; text-decoration-skip-ink: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> </span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">to lockdowns and quarantines long before the pandemic. Critics and protesters </span><a href="https://www.digitalrightsmonitor.pk/drm-exclusive-internet-shutdown-in-former-fata-online-classes-a-hurdle-to-right-to-education-of-students-in-the-region/" style="text-decoration-line: none;"><span style="color: #1155cc; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; text-decoration-line: underline; text-decoration-skip-ink: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">argue</span></a><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> that the continuing suspension of the internet especially amidst shifts to online education are a violation of the constitutional Right to Education. </span></p><p></p><p dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.38; margin-bottom: 12pt; margin-top: 12pt;"><span style="color: #1155cc; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; text-decoration-line: underline; text-decoration-skip-ink: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><a href="https://www.brecorder.com/news/40014851" style="text-decoration-line: none;"></a></span></p><table cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="float: left; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><tbody><tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjOY2-qGn2NWP0ICXFxV7Fj2ITu75Lr1llSxk41kgEgRZqDv-FSzkq7At3ZCtZm9SYSNBCh9wrf6yI0B-kEi0VY6iCtIotgaAIia9oL6X3R52lJeaK8McvOrjGw85TVP2DuR2ZTkjWN7Mw/" style="clear: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img alt="" data-original-height="118" data-original-width="207" height="139" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjOY2-qGn2NWP0ICXFxV7Fj2ITu75Lr1llSxk41kgEgRZqDv-FSzkq7At3ZCtZm9SYSNBCh9wrf6yI0B-kEi0VY6iCtIotgaAIia9oL6X3R52lJeaK8McvOrjGw85TVP2DuR2ZTkjWN7Mw/w210-h139/image.png" width="210" /></a></td></tr><tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><span style="font-size: xx-small;">Source: <a href="https://thediplomat.com/2020/07/pakistans-great-digital-divide/">The Diplomat,</a> <a href="https://www.thenews.com.pk/print/671357-balochistan-s-students-seek-internet-access-for-online-classes">The News</a>, <a href="https://slate.com/technology/2017/08/the-internet-has-been-shut-down-in-pakistans-fata-for-more-than-a-year.html">Slate</a></span></td></tr></tbody></table><p dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.38; margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 12pt;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><a href="https://www.brecorder.com/news/40014851" style="text-decoration-line: none;"><span style="color: #1155cc; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; text-decoration-line: underline; text-decoration-skip-ink: none; vertical-align: baseline;">Floods</span></a><span style="font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline;"> during the pandemic severely impacted rural Sindh’s already flailing education system with a massive power outage and schools used as shelters. In Punjab, there are glaring differences between the northern and southern districts with the latter performing </span><a href="https://palnetwork.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/Annual-Status-of-Education-Report-ASER-PAKISTAN-2019.pdf" style="text-decoration-line: none;"><span style="color: #1155cc; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; text-decoration-line: underline; text-decoration-skip-ink: none; vertical-align: baseline;">very poorly</span></a><span style="font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline;"> in most education indicators. COVID-19 is worsening the situation in these areas. Despite the infection risk, students and teachers are</span><a href="https://thediplomat.com/2020/07/pakistans-great-digital-divide/" style="text-decoration-line: none;"><span style="color: black; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline;"> </span><span style="color: #1155cc; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; text-decoration-line: underline; text-decoration-skip-ink: none; vertical-align: baseline;">forced</span></a><span style="color: #1155cc; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; text-decoration-line: underline; text-decoration-skip-ink: none; vertical-align: baseline;"> </span><span style="font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline;">to go to urban areas as there are no internet services. </span></span></p><p dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.38; margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 12pt;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">Apart from </span><a href="https://www.pass.gov.pk/SliderDetailWerFf65%5ES23d$gH6f6f3229-fc89-4d16-9e3d-be2fe16b66c30ecFf65%5ES23d$Pd" style="text-decoration-line: none;"><span style="color: #1155cc; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; text-decoration-line: underline; text-decoration-skip-ink: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">National Cash Transfer</span></a><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> schemes, little has been done specifically for these areas. The authorities responded to protesting students by mostly engaging in </span><a href="https://www.dawn.com/news/1603562" style="text-decoration-line: none;"><span style="color: #1155cc; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; text-decoration-line: underline; text-decoration-skip-ink: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">violence</span></a><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">. Dismayed by the outcome, students</span><a href="https://thediplomat.com/2020/07/pakistans-great-digital-divide/" style="text-decoration-line: none;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; text-decoration-line: underline; text-decoration-skip-ink: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> </span><span style="color: #1155cc; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; text-decoration-line: underline; text-decoration-skip-ink: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">filed</span></a><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> petitions in high courts across Pakistan, which directed the Balochistan government to form a committee to address students’ issues. The government also </span><a href="https://www.dawn.com/news/1553046" style="text-decoration-line: none;"><span style="color: #1155cc; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; text-decoration-line: underline; text-decoration-skip-ink: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">requested</span></a><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> the KP high court to </span><a href="https://www.dawn.com/news/1549288" style="text-decoration-line: none;"><span style="color: #1155cc; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; text-decoration-line: underline; text-decoration-skip-ink: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">restore</span></a><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> internet connections but no action on </span><a href="https://www.samaa.tv/news/pakistan/2020/07/balochistan-court-orders-submission-of-report-on-online-classes/" style="text-decoration-line: none;"><span style="color: #1155cc; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; text-decoration-line: underline; text-decoration-skip-ink: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">either order</span></a><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> has been reported yet.</span></p><p dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.38; margin-bottom: 12pt; margin-top: 12pt;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">There were some hopeful instances in these circumstances as well; </span><a href="https://www.zong.com.pk/" style="text-decoration-line: none;"><span style="color: #1155cc; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; text-decoration-line: underline; text-decoration-skip-ink: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">Zong Pakistan</span></a><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> secured a contract with </span><a href="https://www.usf.org.pk/" style="text-decoration-line: none;"><span style="color: #1155cc; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; text-decoration-line: underline; text-decoration-skip-ink: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">Universal Service Fund</span></a><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> to provide high speed internet in some areas of rural Balochistan; In KP,</span><a href="https://www.unicef.org/pakistan/stories/education-cannot-wait" style="text-decoration-line: none;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> </span><span style="color: #1155cc; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; text-decoration-line: underline; text-decoration-skip-ink: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">UNICEF’s</span></a><span style="color: #1155cc; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; text-decoration-line: underline; text-decoration-skip-ink: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> </span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> advocacy led to the development of online resources and better implementation of offline learning for students; rural Sindh has been reportedly</span><a href="https://gulfnews.com/world/asia/pakistan/covid-19-rural-sindh-more-receptive-to-social-distancing-than-urban-areas-1.70894065" style="text-decoration-line: none;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> </span><span style="color: #1155cc; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; text-decoration-line: underline; text-decoration-skip-ink: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">more</span></a><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> receptive to social distancing than urban areas and a radio is being </span><a href="https://pakistan.unfpa.org/sites/default/files/pub-pdf/unfpa_paksitan_situation_report_3.pdf" style="text-decoration-line: none;"><span style="color: #1155cc; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; text-decoration-line: underline; text-decoration-skip-ink: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">leveraged</span></a><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> there to discuss psychological wellbeing during the pandemic. Finally, the Punjab government has </span><a href="https://tribune.com.pk/story/1977060/35-development-funds-allocated-southern-punjab" style="text-decoration-line: none;"><span style="color: #1155cc; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; text-decoration-line: underline; text-decoration-skip-ink: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">legally banned</span></a><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> withdrawing South Punjab’s Annual Development Funds which were recently increased by 35%.</span></p><p dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.38; margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 12pt;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-weight: 700; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">Intersections</span></p><p dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.38; margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 12pt;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">These ethnically charged, gendered and class-oriented vulnerabilities do not operate in isolation. They are inextricably linked and exacerbate the impact of an event as severe as a pandemic.</span><a href="https://thediplomat.com/2020/10/baloch-student-protest-lost-scholarships-and-reserved-seats-in-punjab-universities/" style="text-decoration-line: none;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; text-decoration-line: underline; text-decoration-skip-ink: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> </span><span style="color: #1155cc; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; text-decoration-line: underline; text-decoration-skip-ink: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">Baloch students</span></a><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> not only face a dismal educational landscape but also financial constraints in accessing any available opportunities. The seats reserved for them in universities of Punjab were withdrawn and scholarships suspended between 2017 and 2020 amidst rising tuition fees and education transitioning online. After a students’ protest march in October 2020, the Governor of Punjab </span><a href="https://www.thenews.com.pk/print/733792-3-200-baloch-gb-ex-fata-students-to-get-scholarships" style="text-decoration-line: none;"><span style="color: #1155cc; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; text-decoration-line: underline; text-decoration-skip-ink: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">announced</span></a><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> full and partial scholarships annually available to 3, 200 students from Balochistan, KP and Gilgit-Baltistan (GB) at varsities in Punjab. Although hopeful, we are yet to see these plans materialize. </span></p><p dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.38; margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 12pt;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"></span></p><table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><tbody><tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEji76hYQiHpf8f7XV-H27dO8Vi6fwsQ4gsfaDQZnS3cJ8-SbvcWu3T0jicLClGnQOnr00Azhyphenhyphen3camO-a4wvFT-FsANltuMD-V19lXD9tx_BFWDfYVNuBbCJ9JyO6Lw5XmvoslxM8VWJkiw/" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img alt="" data-original-height="194" data-original-width="621" height="206" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEji76hYQiHpf8f7XV-H27dO8Vi6fwsQ4gsfaDQZnS3cJ8-SbvcWu3T0jicLClGnQOnr00Azhyphenhyphen3camO-a4wvFT-FsANltuMD-V19lXD9tx_BFWDfYVNuBbCJ9JyO6Lw5XmvoslxM8VWJkiw/w622-h206/image.png" width="622" /></a></td></tr><tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><span style="font-size: xx-small;">Source: <a href="https://tribune.com.pk/story/2259618/unprecedented-grading-policy-betrays-caie-students">The Express Tribune</a>, <a href="https://nation.com.pk/16-Aug-2020/cie-agrees-to-review-grading-over-o-a-level-results-shafqat">The Nation</a>, <a href="https://www.thenews.com.pk/latest/761711-students-take-to-roads-to-protest-against-mdcat-2020-pmc-as-shafqat-mahmood-gives-cold-shoulder">The News</a>, <a href="https://twitter.com/Shafqat_Mahmood/status/1340603185224962049?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw%7Ctwcamp%5Etweetembed%7Ctwterm%5E1340603185224962049%7Ctwgr%5E%7Ctwcon%5Es1_&ref_url=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.thenews.com.pk%2Flatest%2F761711-students-take-to-roads-to-protest-against-mdcat-2020-pmc-as-shafqat-mahmood-gives-cold-shoulder">Twitter</a></span></td></tr></tbody></table><p></p><p dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.38; margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 12pt;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">Amongst students from these localities and class backgrounds, women are at a further disadvantage. For instance, in Sindh, <a href="https://www.google.com/url?sa=j&url=https%3A%2F%2Flib.dr.iastate.edu%2Fcgi%2Fviewcontent.cgi%3Farticle%3D1104%26context%3Decon_workingpapers&uct=1574234785&usg=W4HcJ_yopqzd8Hi38izcTmxgzY4.">less than</a> 10% of tertiary students are women. </span><span style="background-color: white; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">The government also has a class-based response to harassment cases. The Punjab School Education Minister </span><span style="background-color: white; color: #1155cc; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; text-decoration-line: underline; text-decoration-skip-ink: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">promised</span><span style="background-color: white; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> to deal with harassment complaints by LGS students personally and the Minister of Human Rights took </span><a href="https://www.thenews.com.pk/print/680366-online-harassment-cases-pop-up-amid-campuses-closure" style="text-decoration-line: none;"><span style="background-color: white; color: #1155cc; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; text-decoration-line: underline; text-decoration-skip-ink: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">notice</span></a><span style="background-color: white; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> of the allegations at the two “premier private institutions”. </span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">After students and alumna conducted a sustained online campaign, four employees of LGS were </span><a href="https://nayadaur.tv/2020/06/lgs-fires-4-teachers-over-allegations-of-sexually-harassing-minor-students/" style="text-decoration-line: none;"><span style="color: #1155cc; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; text-decoration-line: underline; text-decoration-skip-ink: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">terminated</span></a><span style="background-color: white; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> while students from public universities were ignored, vilified or arrested.</span><span style="background-color: white; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br /></span><span style="background-color: white; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br /></span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-weight: 700; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">Politicizing Students’ Vulnerabilities</span></p><br /><p dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.38; margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">Students demands and actions were often politicized by both the incumbent government and the opposition for their political expediency. While PPP Chairman Bilawal Bhutto supported </span><a href="http://researchcollective.blogspot.com/2020/11/healthcare-workers-mobilization-in_12.html" style="text-decoration-line: none;"><span style="color: #1155cc; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; text-decoration-line: underline; text-decoration-skip-ink: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">MDCAT students</span></a><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">, </span><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=KJ7AtxBZvc0" style="text-decoration-line: none;"><span style="color: #1155cc; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; text-decoration-line: underline; text-decoration-skip-ink: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">criticizing</span></a><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> Pakistan Medical Council’s bureaucratic inefficiencies, PML-N leader Maryam Nawaz </span><a href="https://www.samaa.tv/news/2020/10/lahore-baloch-students-protest-for-scholarships-at-universities/" style="text-decoration-line: none;"><span style="color: #1155cc; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; text-decoration-line: underline; text-decoration-skip-ink: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">attended</span></a><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> Baloch students’ protest. Both are part of the Pakistan Democratic Movement (PDM), an alliance of 11 opposition parties formed in September 2020. </span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">Our interview with Rai Ali revealed that shrinking civic space has forced students to turn to PDM even though they suspect the alliance will remain anti-establishment only until it assumes power itself. </span></p><p dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.38; margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt;"><span style="color: #262626; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-weight: 700; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br />Recommendations and Conclusion</span></p><p dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.38; margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt;"><span style="color: #262626; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-weight: 700; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br /></span></p><table cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="float: right;"><tbody><tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEg6GtTKPKicAnh4BJrLBPafkrieQwwF9fuFTdJkqs8Nl1OpEzL6hyphenhyphenO9gpNEN-9PbNLSSd_kEfh4s_SzlrfuC6EIPS7_A0ZF2aXlaK_pR9W0Z_vGEE4zXq9AEYcsLupo4WTnFj-PINTiVZw/" style="clear: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img alt="" data-original-height="145" data-original-width="222" height="142" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEg6GtTKPKicAnh4BJrLBPafkrieQwwF9fuFTdJkqs8Nl1OpEzL6hyphenhyphenO9gpNEN-9PbNLSSd_kEfh4s_SzlrfuC6EIPS7_A0ZF2aXlaK_pR9W0Z_vGEE4zXq9AEYcsLupo4WTnFj-PINTiVZw/w232-h142/image.png" width="232" /></a></td></tr><tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><span style="font-size: xx-small;">Source: <a href="https://www.bbc.com/worklife/article/20200713-the-coronavirus-effect-on-pakistans-digital-divide">BBC</a></span></td></tr></tbody></table><p dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.38; margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt;"><span style="color: #262626; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-weight: 700; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"><span id="docs-internal-guid-d87b903c-7fff-db1c-32eb-539311948532" style="font-weight: normal;"><span style="color: black; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline;">It has been a long, trying year for students. However, trying situations are also opportunities for imagining better systems. </span><a href="https://blogs.worldbank.org/education/successful-examples-scaling-teaching-and-learning-response-covid-19" style="text-decoration-line: none;"><span style="color: #1155cc; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; text-decoration-line: underline; text-decoration-skip-ink: none; vertical-align: baseline;">Some ways</span></a><span style="color: black; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline;"> to further affect change in the education sector include </span><a href="https://www.bbc.com/worklife/article/20200713-the-coronavirus-effect-on-pakistans-digital-divide" style="text-decoration-line: none;"><span style="color: #1155cc; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; text-decoration-line: underline; text-decoration-skip-ink: none; vertical-align: baseline;">supporting</span></a><span style="color: black; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline;"> the ed-tech industry, crowdsourcing and curating content akin to the Spanish Ministry of Education, further scaling up the use of radio for education, and investing in public-private partnerships similar to the model in </span><span style="color: #1155cc; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; text-decoration-line: underline; text-decoration-skip-ink: none; vertical-align: baseline;">Uruguay.</span><span style="color: black; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline;"> Additionally, Mexico’s </span><a href="https://telesecundaria.sep.gob.mx/" style="text-decoration-line: none;"><span style="background-color: white; color: #0563c1; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; text-decoration-line: underline; text-decoration-skip-ink: none; vertical-align: baseline;">Telesecundaria</span></a><span style="color: black; font-size: 12pt; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; vertical-align: baseline;"> is a good example for Pakistan to improve the quality of the Teleschool which was widely available but incomprehensible. </span></span></span></p><p dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.38; margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;"><span style="white-space: pre-wrap;"><br /></span></span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; white-space: pre-wrap;"></span></p><table cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="float: left; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><tbody><tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhfhvh0zflSkagOJnntPAzfkSrHvrUBf74xCT8ZTEDVgf7w6CX_-6tI8usFcAzlNtEMfpU7H25w1uE1VvbmhzconiHmdfWnMlz9XSNW4xuXyX4zQ1RdnpL4ncU3BTDTqQpXpGryKk9shTE/" style="clear: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img alt="" data-original-height="95" data-original-width="214" height="137" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhfhvh0zflSkagOJnntPAzfkSrHvrUBf74xCT8ZTEDVgf7w6CX_-6tI8usFcAzlNtEMfpU7H25w1uE1VvbmhzconiHmdfWnMlz9XSNW4xuXyX4zQ1RdnpL4ncU3BTDTqQpXpGryKk9shTE/w194-h137/image.png" width="194" /></a></td></tr><tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><span style="font-size: xx-small;">Source: <a href="http://www.na.gov.pk/uploads/1591967016_128.pdf">Budget 2020-2021</a></span></td></tr></tbody></table><p></p><p dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.38; margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; white-space: pre-wrap;">However, any response strategy is incomplete without addressing the demand for student unions. In 1984, student unions were banned because of their progressive work for students and the wider civil body. The pandemic has intensified the students’ perpetual need for a collective space. Rai highlights, “The teachers in our university have a union, the guards have a union but the only union that is missing is the student union… there are 95% students in a university but those 95% aren't given a chance to represent themselves.”<br /></span></p><table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="float: right; margin-left: 1em; text-align: right;"><tbody><tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhgX41tCFpGW9qqVyZZOnhf77iKLtXhor7sY62G0rO4teskdBeA02c9R2wKLVFjk_LdC6b9ai_8NTt4NhZ5K913g3CDN7n9uWOtsHZ2zEdhUVhssC8PxaTiudr557RyO9xj1GGBZVog53g/" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img alt="" data-original-height="95" data-original-width="212" height="134" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhgX41tCFpGW9qqVyZZOnhf77iKLtXhor7sY62G0rO4teskdBeA02c9R2wKLVFjk_LdC6b9ai_8NTt4NhZ5K913g3CDN7n9uWOtsHZ2zEdhUVhssC8PxaTiudr557RyO9xj1GGBZVog53g/w186-h134/image.png" width="186" /></a></td></tr><tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><span style="font-size: xx-small;">Source <a href="https://www.aku.edu/iedpk/Pages/Covid-19.aspx">aku.edu</a></span></td></tr></tbody></table><p></p><p dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.38; margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt;"><br /><span id="docs-internal-guid-1c70cbcc-7fff-a9ab-1fae-865f2dca27e9"></span></p><p dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.38; margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt;"><span id="docs-internal-guid-1c70cbcc-7fff-a9ab-1fae-865f2dca27e9"></span></p><p dir="ltr" style="line-height: 1.38; margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; white-space: pre-wrap;">For students, 2020 has been rife with uncertainty, learning losses and protests. As their problems spiralled, Covid-19 became an impetus for them to push for their rights. However, their demands haven’t been fully addressed despite consistent activism. It is imperative that the state revives student unions, invests in long-term solutions and addresses the inequities marring the education sector now more than ever. </span></p><div><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br /></span></div>Asiya Jawedhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/03575738007861014951noreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8032391584908972316.post-48904989370853894412020-12-22T12:36:00.001+05:002020-12-22T12:36:29.653+05:00Towards Universal Social Protection – the Story Thus Far<p><span style="font-size: medium;"> By <a href="http://www.researchcollective.org/researchers_info.php?cat=author&val=A_001">Haris Gazdar</a></span></p><table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><tbody><tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgbX16zT67YcYuIne77Iw7TlIlFNoyEBb9vXkGvjg2TD5tWiPaZfCPGDhHGxCZVBWYWrvhsQGkONPMJWST75Nw7mgoWLZlg4G_5KWDhDDXtEr9slWn_czV_wb3I2gOJfK-4BVNYNK03l30/s2048/HG+Blog.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" data-original-height="1365" data-original-width="2048" height="426" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgbX16zT67YcYuIne77Iw7TlIlFNoyEBb9vXkGvjg2TD5tWiPaZfCPGDhHGxCZVBWYWrvhsQGkONPMJWST75Nw7mgoWLZlg4G_5KWDhDDXtEr9slWn_czV_wb3I2gOJfK-4BVNYNK03l30/w640-h426/HG+Blog.jpg" width="640" /></a></td></tr><tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Women and girls in Qamber, Shadakot, north-west Sindh. Picture credit: <a href="https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Women_and_girls_in_Qamber,_Shadadkot,_north-west_Sindh,_Pakistan_(8406155976).jpg">Wikimedia Commons</a>.<br /><div style="text-align: left;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><br /><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><i><span style="font-size: medium;">This blog is based on a response by the author at the annual Sustainable Development Conference of the Sustainable Development Policy Institute on 14th December 2020.</span></i></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><u><span style="font-size: medium;">Question<br /><br /></span></u></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: medium;">What major policy changes in existing national policies and programs you would like to see at federal and provincial government level to move towards universal social protection in Pakistan? </span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><ul><li><span style="font-size: medium;">Who do you think will be the main stakeholders? And do you find any torchbearer in this regard who can lead the process both at federal and provincial governments?</span></li><li><span style="font-size: medium;">How important will be the role of the private sector in this regard and what can be done particularly to improve the public private partnership to move towards the universal social protection? Are there any best practices that you can share with us?</span></li><li><span style="font-size: medium;">What do you think can be the strong foundations to build a business case for the universal social protection in Pakistan (particularly when there is always an argument of low fiscal space whenever there is a discussion on having a universal social protection system in the country)?</span></li></ul><div><div><u><span style="font-size: medium;">Answer</span></u></div><div><span style="font-size: medium;"><br /></span></div><div><span style="font-size: medium;">We have the bare bones of a universal social protection system which was established over a decade ago in the form of the Benazir Income Support Programme. There are several important accomplishments to date, all of them achieved early on. And plenty of challenges. The main accomplishments were:</span></div><div><span style="font-size: medium;">•<span style="white-space: pre;"> </span>Targeting from a well-defined universe</span></div><div><span style="font-size: medium;">•<span style="white-space: pre;"> </span>Delinking social protection from employment</span></div><div><span style="font-size: medium;">•<span style="white-space: pre;"> </span>Increase in scale with respect to fiscal outlay</span></div><div><span style="font-size: medium;">•<span style="white-space: pre;"> </span>Women as primary beneficiaries</span></div><div><span style="font-size: medium;">•<span style="white-space: pre;"> </span>Key partnerships between databases (particularly NADRA) and payment agencies (banks/Telcos)</span></div><div><span style="font-size: medium;"><br /></span></div><div><span style="font-size: medium;">In the initial period there was talk of the programme focusing on food insecurity, and the targeting mechanism did, indeed, help to identify the relatively food-insecure families. But this thematic focus, or for that matter any other specific thematic focus, never really became a benchmark of progress. The programme was far too engaged, perhaps for good reason, with achieving its own operational goals.</span></div><div><span style="font-size: medium;"><br /></span></div><div><span style="font-size: medium;">The move to universal social protection will require several important changes which must leverage the successes achieved over a decade ago:</span></div><div><span style="font-size: medium;">•<span style="white-space: pre;"> </span>Articulation of key social protection objectives – in my opinion food security should receive priority, but also economic vulnerability</span></div><div><span style="font-size: medium;">•<span style="white-space: pre;"> </span>Re-establish a clearer linkage with livelihoods and/or absence of livelihood opportunities, but also a focus on a range of vulnerabilities such as different ability, old age</span></div><div><span style="font-size: medium;">•<span style="white-space: pre;"> </span>Dynamic social registry with a rights-based approach and self-targeting (with various mechanisms for verification and audit of course).</span></div><div><span style="font-size: medium;"><br /></span></div><div><span style="font-size: medium;">Federal and provincial governments, and indeed local governments, have key roles and mandates in this regard. For all the media presence and slick imaging, the repackaging of BISP (into Ehsaas etc) conceals a cold hard fact: the core of social protection system, which is the unconditional cash transfer (UCT) to women in poor households has not been maintained and updated. The basic design requirement of renewing the targeting (or recertification) within 48 months of establishment has not be fulfilled – or around 2015. Five years on from that date, we have no clear indication of when the recertification (or the so-called National Socio-Economic Registry or NSER) will be carried out.</span></div><div><span style="font-size: medium;"><br /></span></div><div><span style="font-size: medium;">Under our current system the federal government enjoys taxation powers across a range of relatively higher-yielding heads of tax, and their performance in tax collection has been poor. Provincial governments have performed better since the 7th National Finance Commission. But until there is a major change in the tax mandates, federal government will continue to have the fiscal resources for social protection.</span></div><div><span style="font-size: medium;"><br /></span></div><div><span style="font-size: medium;">There is also a strong rationale for federal government lead in national redistributive transfers, and a whole range of untargeted subsidies are already routed through the federal tier. Over the longer-term, the future of social protection is closely tied up with tax performance and reform. More on that in a bit.</span></div><div><span style="font-size: medium;"><br /></span></div><div><span style="font-size: medium;">Moreover, federal government also controls major official databases such as NADRA which have become indispensable – for good reason or bad – for the administration of social protection interventions.</span></div><div><span style="font-size: medium;"><br /></span></div><div><span style="font-size: medium;">But provincial governments and their local government partners (let’s be clear that constitutionally local government is a provincial subject), actually have presence on the ground, and have mandates in a range of areas where the next generation of social protection programming – food security, labour, agricultural workers, health, disaster management (partially), protection of the differently abled, education etc – will arise. ‘Next generation’ in the sense of going beyond an unconditional cash transfer (UCT). </span></div><div><span style="font-size: medium;"><br /></span></div><div><span style="font-size: medium;">Provinces need to build strong and dynamic social registries and federal government systems need to extend active cooperation and support in this regard. This is because under our constitutional system a dynamic social registry, which has close operational links with line departments such as labour, differently abled persons’ empowerment, health, population welfare, local government, agriculture, food etc. is only possible at the provincial tier.</span></div><div><span style="font-size: medium;"><br /></span></div><div><span style="font-size: medium;">The type of political reforms that will lead to these changes are similar in scale, or even the unfinished businesses of, reforms like the 18th amendment involving:</span></div><div><ul><li><span style="font-size: medium;">Recognition of right to social protection, including legal mandates and correspondingly protected fiscal allocations</span></li><li><span style="font-size: medium;">Federal-provincial fiscal reforms including taxes and subsidies</span></li></ul></div></div><div><br /></div></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span> </span><span> </span><span> </span><span> </span><span> </span><span> </span><span> </span><span> </span><span> </span><span> </span><span> </span><span> </span><span> </span><span> </span><span> </span><span> </span><span> </span><span> </span><span> </span><span> </span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span><br /></span></div></div><br /></div></td></tr></tbody></table><br /><p><br /></p>Asiya Jawedhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/03575738007861014951noreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8032391584908972316.post-89820541787333620172020-12-11T18:48:00.003+05:002020-12-11T18:55:14.208+05:00Why COVID-19 is Fatal for Children<p> By <a href="http://www.researchcollective.org/researchers_info.php?cat=author&val=A_134">Syeda Haleema Hasan</a> and <a href="http://www.researchcollective.org/researchers_info.php?cat=author&val=A_127">Asiya Jawed</a></p><table cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody><tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhzpMFNQCn6JnBLto0Fmk5UcB0GCYa-YloIvDWGEXb-gOwa151oCrw7cfu_wUbZG3FsaxACd4Ukc0HBKrAIqSIfqp__1dcZP4D3NrdCkf8uwg1ueE1upqUoL_wuC2fLY14ettiBcvzZYr4/s2048/child.jpg" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" data-original-height="1366" data-original-width="2048" height="426" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhzpMFNQCn6JnBLto0Fmk5UcB0GCYa-YloIvDWGEXb-gOwa151oCrw7cfu_wUbZG3FsaxACd4Ukc0HBKrAIqSIfqp__1dcZP4D3NrdCkf8uwg1ueE1upqUoL_wuC2fLY14ettiBcvzZYr4/w640-h426/child.jpg" width="640" /></a></td></tr><tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Picture credit: <a href="https://pixabay.com/users/educadormarcossv-5883596/">Marcos Cola</a>, Pixabay<br /><br /><br /><div style="text-align: left;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="color: red; font-size: medium;">Trigger warning: abuse, assault, r*pe, kidnapping.</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: medium;">As we <a href="https://www.dawn.com/news/1582311">laud</a> Pakistan’s fight against the pandemic, we shouldn’t overlook how the country is failing its children. Even though children are <a href="https://www.hopkinsmedicine.org/health/conditions-and-diseases/coronavirus/coronavirus-in-babies-and-children">less</a> susceptible to get infected with COVID-19, the virus is insidiously impacting them in myriad ways. Some of the effects of the pandemic have made their way into public discourse, <a href="https://tribune.com.pk/letter/2249732/covid-19-impact-children">such as</a> the educational costs and health risks. However, COVID-19 has had a deeper impact on children. There is evidence that measures to curb the virus can have a colossal damage on children’s lives as confinement makes them vulnerable to exploitation and abuse. </span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: medium;">This blog explores child protection risks and their exacerbation as a consequence of COVID-19 confinement in Pakistan. We also unpack how children’s inherent vulnerability intersects with several other vulnerabilities such as those arising from their class and religion. Amongst many incidences of abuse, we focus on three tragic cases that received significant coverage: the abuse, forced conversion and child marriage of <a href="https://www.thenews.com.pk/tns/detail/739877-pakistans-minorities">Arzoo</a> Raja, <a href="https://www.incpak.com/national/justice-for-alisha-gang-raped-kashmore/">Alisha’s</a> rape by a trafficking ring, and <a href="https://thewire.in/south-asia/pakistan-zohra-shah-rawalpindi-child-rights">Zohra’s</a> assault and murder by her employers. We will also examine the role of state and society in these violations and propose possible remedial strategies.</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><tbody><tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgPX5mKRuklX4F5KF-xkwwxoI3YiWruiWkX7-p0-qH0fYwL_xYxqk-B82MzzPS934x_dp_kHQZfChy7vEuG1RHi2-ySjCehP70MXhU0sJduBlYwM0Hd8Wtyp1vC7oZvzsbdiYlzMKa-1qU/s687/Cases+table-final.JPG" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><img border="0" data-original-height="350" data-original-width="687" height="326" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgPX5mKRuklX4F5KF-xkwwxoI3YiWruiWkX7-p0-qH0fYwL_xYxqk-B82MzzPS934x_dp_kHQZfChy7vEuG1RHi2-ySjCehP70MXhU0sJduBlYwM0Hd8Wtyp1vC7oZvzsbdiYlzMKa-1qU/w640-h326/Cases+table-final.JPG" width="640" /></span></a></td></tr><tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: times; font-size: medium;"><span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; text-align: start;">Source: </span><a data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=http://parhlo.com&source=gmail&ust=1607780688259000&usg=AFQjCNF2S8S9eQrM-3X8BJNjLcGpeA9rfA" href="http://parhlo.com/" style="background-color: white; color: #1155cc; text-align: start;" target="_blank">parhlo.com</a><span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; text-align: start;">, </span><a data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.bolnews.com/pakistan/2020/11/justice-for-alisha-netizens-pay-respect-to-asi-muhammad-bakhsh/&source=gmail&ust=1607780688259000&usg=AFQjCNGxZilfQzoZscNKEZkevW0aUdZDKw" href="https://www.bolnews.com/pakistan/2020/11/justice-for-alisha-netizens-pay-respect-to-asi-muhammad-bakhsh/" style="background-color: white; color: #1155cc; text-align: start;" target="_blank">BOL News</a><span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; text-align: start;">, </span><a data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://gulfnews.com/world/asia/pakistan/pakistan-policeman-who-used-his-daughter-to-arrest-rapist-hailed-for-courageous-and-risky-move-1.75259296&source=gmail&ust=1607780688259000&usg=AFQjCNHKMDhmFu3E4r_ntQJWwer841VqkA" href="https://gulfnews.com/world/asia/pakistan/pakistan-policeman-who-used-his-daughter-to-arrest-rapist-hailed-for-courageous-and-risky-move-1.75259296" style="background-color: white; color: #1155cc; text-align: start;" target="_blank">Gulf News</a><span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; text-align: start;">, </span><a data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://thewire.in/south-asia/pakistan-zohra-shah-rawalpindi-child-rights&source=gmail&ust=1607780688259000&usg=AFQjCNGH09ynDuVpbNWkG1FsOvtN6HUyKw" href="https://thewire.in/south-asia/pakistan-zohra-shah-rawalpindi-child-rights" style="background-color: white; color: #1155cc; text-align: start;" target="_blank">The Wire</a><span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; text-align: start;">.</span></span></td></tr></tbody></table></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: medium;">Children’s vulnerability is marked by their <a href="https://www.sjdhospitalbarcelona.org/en/why-and-how-can-confinement-affect-children">developmental</a> stage; they possess greater dependence on others and require a stable environment to regulate their emotions and behavior. Extended confinement at home is harmful for them because it disrupts their daily routine and limits their mobility. COVID-19 related confinement adds further health risks and fatalities, uncertainty, loss of livelihoods, and disruption in education. At the <a href="http://www.researchcollective.org/index.php">Collective</a>, we are currently studying these and other impacts of lockdown on children’s well-being through a longitudinal comparative study called <a href="https://fact-covid.wixsite.com/study/i-cofact">Family and Community in the Time of COVID-19</a> spearheaded by <a href="https://www.ucl.ac.uk/ioe/departments-and-centres/centres/thomas-coram-research-unit/our-research/fact-covid-families-and-community-transitions-under-covid">University College London</a>. </span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: medium;">Confinement linked to the pandemic heightens children’s inability to escape abuse and/or access help. Pakistan witnessed a horrific rise in reported cases of child abuse and rape this year. The Sustainable Social Development Organization <a href="https://asiatimes.com/2020/10/child-rape-soars-behind-covid-closed-doors-in-pakistan/">estimated</a> during the lockdown period (April-June) there was a 400% spike in reported cases of child abuse, attributed to the proximity of abusers as most perpetrators are close relatives and trusted persons. As children spend significant time online, and in concentrated spaces with older individuals, grooming is also likely to increase. Some of these factors are evident in Arzoo's <a href="https://www.dawn.com/news/1586648">case</a>, in which her parents entrusted their neighbors with the care of their children when they <a href="https://www.dawn.com/news/1586648">left</a> for their day jobs. The neighbor who exploited this access, Azhar Ali, had cultivated Arzoo’s trust over time, manipulating her from a young age with gifts while deceiving her family.</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: medium;">COVID-19 confinement hasn't created abusive individuals out of non-abusive individuals, it has rather provided an <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/society/2020/nov/15/shock-new-figures-fuel-fears-of-more-lockdown-domestic-abuse-killings-in-uk?CMP=Share_iOSApp_Other">opportunity</a> for abusive people to justify their violence, as Zohra’s case reveals. The neighbors living in Bahria Town, Rawalpindi heard Zohra’s screams but didn’t <a href="https://thewire.in/south-asia/pakistan-zohra-shah-rawalpindi-child-rights">notify</a> the police or the media because they wanted to uphold the social image of their posh neighborhood. This injustice happened amidst rising COVID-19 cases in Pakistan, leaving Zohra trapped with her abusive employers as she was forced to work to avoid greater destitution.</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: medium;">Confinement related to COVID-19 is not linear and its effects are <a href="https://unsdg.un.org/sites/default/files/2020-04/160420_Covid_Children_Policy_Brief.pdf">not equally distributed</a>. For instance, poverty is a debilitating problem aggravating COVID-19 related child safety violations. Loss of livelihoods, job insecurity as well as delayed and reduced wages heighten frustration and stress, and <a href="https://www.unicef.org/sites/default/files/2020-05/COVID-19-Protecting-children-from-violence-abuse-and-neglect-in-home-2020.pdf">contribute</a> to an increase in abuse. Falls in expenditure and financial hardship have also been <a href="https://voxeu.org/article/potential-impact-covid-19-child-abuse-and-neglect">considered</a> as strong indicators of abuse and neglect. Unemployment and child maltreatment are closely correlated as neglect rises by 20% with just a single percentage increase in unemployment.</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: medium;">In <a href="https://www.dawn.com/news/1590001">Alisha’s case</a>, the promise of work and income compelled a woman to take her daughter and travel from Karachi to Kashmore despite the dangers that women are constantly navigating in Pakistan. Zohra’s parents sent their daughter to study in Rawalpindi but she was <a href="https://stopchildlabor.org/?p=4618">pressured</a> to work for an employer who paid her uncle only Rs.3000 per month. Her employers also promised to give her an education but tortured and murdered her instead. Arzoo’s mother, on the other hand, <a href="https://www.dawn.com/news/1586648">worked</a> in a school while her father was a driver. Both of them were unable to leave their jobs to tend to the children or arrange appropriate care while they were away. Poverty and hunger amplify the risks children face and without adequate safety nets, such violations will persist.</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: medium;">Religion is another factor exacerbating children’s existing vulnerabilities. The exploitation of religious minorities in Pakistan is <a href="https://jia.sipa.columbia.edu/online-articles/covid-19-catalyst-minority-exploitation-pakistan">pervasive and systematic</a>; its roots date back to the country’s origins. Prejudices intensify during times of crisis when such populations are most disadvantaged. We witness how this widespread oppression manifests in Arzoo Raja’s case, where her minority Christian identity deepened her vulnerability and made her more susceptible to abuse.</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><a href="http://www.researchcollective.org/projects2.php?id=C_049">Child protection risks</a> during the COVID-19 crisis have also exposed the institutional and structural dimensions of the problem. Our media tracking for <a href="https://www.ids.ac.uk/projects/navigating-civic-space/">Navigating Civic Space in the Time of COVID-19</a> reveals state’s incompetency amidst burgeoning child abuse cases. For instance, the Sindh High Court <a href="http://www.asianews.it/news-en/Karachi:-Court-approves-the-conversion-and-marriage-of-13-year-old-Arzoo-Raja.-The-mother's-desperation-(VIDEO)-51455.html">approved</a> Arzoo’s conversion to Islam and dismissed the case against the perpetrator initially, only <a href="https://www.dawn.com/news/1588201">ordering</a> the child’s rescue after public and media pressure and Pakistan People’s Party Chairman Bilawal Bhutto’s <a href="https://www.dawn.com/news/1587815">intervention</a>. Failure of due process such as medical examination and perusal of identity records are inexcusable shortfalls. Arzoo’s abductor and his family are also <a href="https://www.dawn.com/news/1586648">alleged employees</a> in the Sindh police and water board, which only adds to their impunity.</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: medium;">Not only does the state fail to protect children, in some ways it directly abets injustices against them. Zohra was one of the <a href="https://www.thenationalnews.com/world/asia/we-need-justice-zohra-shah-s-family-breaks-silence-over-murder-of-girl-8-1.1031310">8.5 million</a> child workers in Pakistan driven by her family’s poverty to work at an opulent household for a meagre salary. The government has <a href="https://voicepk.net/2020/06/17/the-laws-that-failed-zohra-shah/">failed</a> to implement the Punjab Domestic Workers Act of 2019 effectively, which prohibits employing a child under the age of 15 years as a domestic worker in a household in any capacity. Human rights minister, Shireen Mazari called Zohra’s torture and murder, a <a href="https://www.thenews.com.pk/print/736791-mazari-stresses-implementation-of-law-in-child-labour-abuse-cases">‘test’</a> case. Do we need such heinous crimes to transpire before we improve our accountability mechanisms? </span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: medium;">Even when authorities do intervene, their strategies are often ineffective or unsustainable. The ASI responsible for investigating the Kashmore case endangered his own daughter’s life to rescue Alisha, but was glorified by Prime Minister Imran Khan who awarded him <a href="https://www.thenews.com.pk/print/744702-kashmore-asi-daughter-honoured-as-heroes-at-cpo-ceremony">two million rupees</a> for this perilous act. It is alarming that our authorities have to enlist minors for rescue operations instead of training and mobilizing strong investigative teams and addressing structural deficits. </span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: medium;">There are possibilities of remedial measures to address these dire circumstances and the state has a key role. Some short-term response strategies could be the disbursement of <a href="https://www.dawn.com/news/1552172">child grants</a> through existing mechanisms like the <a href="https://www.pass.gov.pk/Detailf90ce1f7-083a-4d85-b3e8-60f75ba0d788">Ehsaas</a> scheme that can help alleviate caregivers' burden and reduce risk of violence. Another immediate requirement is more <a href="https://unsdg.un.org/sites/default/files/2020-04/160420_Covid_Children_Policy_Brief.pdf">robust</a> information which can drive more comprehensive action; data should be <a href="http://researchcollective.blogspot.com/2020/09/women-are-absent-from-pakistans-covid.html">disaggregated</a> for gender, minority status, age, disability, geographic region and more.</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: medium;">Mobilizing existing resources, such as helplines, social workers, and shelter homes like the recent <a href="https://www.thenews.com.pk/latest/729806-watch-pm-imran-khan-eats-food-with-residents-at-islamabad-panahgah">Panahgah project</a>, specifically for children is crucial. State capacity can increase if it utilizes police personnel and volunteers through provision of virtual trainings to respond to child abuse cases, as in the case of <a href="https://www.unicef.org/media/74146/file/Protecting-children-from-violence-in-the-time-of-covid-19.pdf">Mexico</a>. This can be further augmented through collaborations with civil society organizations such as <a href="https://www.aahung.org/site/whatwedo/Whatwedo">Aahung</a> and <a href="https://sahil.org/">Sahil</a> that work on child sexual abuse issues. The government’s child protection units in all provinces need adequate funding and staff to become fully operational. Distributing hygiene kits with awareness messages about gender-based violence, as done in Brazil, can prove to be an effective method during the pandemic. Remedial measures can also occur at the individual level by practicing social distancing and precautionary measures as the UN <a href="https://www.un.org/development/desa/dspd/wp-content/uploads/sites/22/2020/08/sg_policy_brief_covid-19_and_education_august_2020.pdf">emphasizes</a> that the “ultimate impact on children hinges on the virus’s longevity itself”.</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: medium;">Abuse, violence, and toxic stress coupled with confinement effects can result in <a href="https://unsdg.un.org/sites/default/files/2020-04/160420_Covid_Children_Policy_Brief.pdf">lifelong challenges</a> for children as their neurological development is likely to get impaired if necessary psycho-social support is not provided. The cost of COVID-19 confinement on our children is huge; Alisha is battling for her life, Arzoo still proclaims that she converted and married of her own free will, and we lost Zohra. The fact that a blog focused on children begins with a trigger warning for rape, abuse, assault and kidnapping speaks volumes. The immense cost borne by children should be incorporated in all COVID-19 preventative measures. Our state needs to actively work with frontline workers in social and medical care to <a href="https://voxeu.org/article/potential-impact-covid-19-child-abuse-and-neglect">counter</a> existing harm and prevent future pitfalls especially in crisis situations. COVID-19 is fatal for children, and we are running out of time.</span></div></div></div></div></div></div></td></tr></tbody></table>Asiya Jawedhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/03575738007861014951noreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8032391584908972316.post-60343197519793928272020-11-12T17:58:00.001+05:002020-11-13T12:04:17.854+05:00Healthcare Workers’ Mobilization in Pakistan <p> By <a href="http://researchcollective.org/researchers_info.php?cat=author&val=A_127" target="_blank">Asiya Jawed</a></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><br /></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEitN7P5WTkQ0fcfRkfTvRbEF7OjUn19xCFi_rXhn1HA9mq-yH-pQePbNnhREDssH37cnjBysMEe1y4KEDuvaWadCEzLizDoO4lKoiBE7jr26mcjDUPgrXJTcO0DNw8ojusobUaKcgeAT6ad/s720/Blog+picture.jpeg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="581" data-original-width="720" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEitN7P5WTkQ0fcfRkfTvRbEF7OjUn19xCFi_rXhn1HA9mq-yH-pQePbNnhREDssH37cnjBysMEe1y4KEDuvaWadCEzLizDoO4lKoiBE7jr26mcjDUPgrXJTcO0DNw8ojusobUaKcgeAT6ad/s320/Blog+picture.jpeg" width="320" /></a></div><br /><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span face="Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif" style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-size: small;">"Halima Leghari, President, All Sindh Health Workers and Employees Union with other health workers at the October 2020 protest in Islamabad"</span></span><p></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span face="Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif" style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-size: small;"><br /></span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Health
workers around the world today are </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://newrepublic.com/article/157354/problem-heroizing-health-care-workers-like"><span style="color: #1155cc; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">glorified</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> for saving other people’s lives
while risking their own during the Covid-19 pandemic. Yet the basic human
rights of these vulnerable heroes are being undermined, as Amnesty
International warns of another </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://www.amnesty.ie/global-amnesty-analysi%E2%80%8Bs-reveals-over-7000-health-workers-have-died-from-covid-19/"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">crisis</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> in which thousands of health
workers are dying to save others. The </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/news/2020/07/health-workers-rights-covid-report/"><span style="color: #1155cc; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">shortage</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> of lifesaving protective equipment,
coupled with unfair pay and lack of benefits in numerous countries, has forced health
workers to mobilize and protest against the conditions in which they have to
work during the pandemic. <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">In
Pakistan, too, the rights and lives of health workers have been deeply
compromised during the pandemic response. Since different cadres of health service
providers already have a history of mobilizing, could their response to current
risks provide the catalyst for them to join forces to transform the conditions
of work in the health sector? Our research suggests this may be happening amidst
the pandemic as they collectively act to bring forward new demands and solidify
older ones.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">At
the </span><span lang="EN"><a href="http://www.researchcollective.org/index.php"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Collective for Social Science
Research</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">,
we have been following </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://www.ids.ac.uk/projects/navigating-civic-space/"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">changes in civic space</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> since Covid-19 first emerged in the
country in March. This is part of the </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://www.ids.ac.uk/programme-and-centre/action-for-empowerment-and-accountability-a4ea/"><span style="color: #1155cc; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">‘Action for
Empowerment and Accountability’ (A4EA)</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> research programme - a
multi-country study in collaboration with the </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://www.ids.ac.uk/"><span style="color: #1155cc; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Institute of Development Studies (IDS)</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> - focusing on how social and
political action impacts empowerment and accountability in fragile, conflict
and violence-affected settings. We conduct detailed media tracking, monthly
observatory panels, and interviews with civil society actors to discuss changes
as they happen.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">During
March 2020, as healthcare workers in Pakistan began gearing themselves to fight
the virus, the Punjab Assembly </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://www.dawn.com/news/1540228"><span style="color: #1155cc; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">passed</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> the controversial and contested
Medical Teaching Institutions (MTI) Reforms Bill, ironically on the same day as
the World Health Organization (WHO) </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://www.who.int/director-general/speeches/detail/who-director-general-s-opening-remarks-at-the-media-briefing-on-covid-19---11-march-2020"><span style="color: #1155cc; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">recognized</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> the spread of Covid-19 as a
pandemic. The Act was formulated as a result of a </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://www.jacobinmag.com/2020/05/pakistan-coronavirus-doctors-protests-hunger-strike-coronavirus"><span style="color: #1155cc; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">deal</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> with the International Monetary
Fund (IMF) in May 2019, which stipulated cuts to social spending ultimately
privatizing public health facilities. Health workers have been fighting against
the draft Act for a year now; they created the Grand Health Alliance (GHA) to
pressure the government to repeal the Act in Punjab. The protestors argued that
the Act was harmful for both health workers and patients. It gives health
workers the status of </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://www.thenews.com.pk/print/539701-doctors-paramedics-observe-strike-against-mti-act"><span style="color: #1155cc; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">contractual</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> employees as opposed to those
within a civil service structure, thus affecting their job security. It is also
</span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://nation.com.pk/04-Sep-2019/medics-react-to-health-reforms-act"><span style="color: #1155cc; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">‘anti-patient’</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> because the privatization of healthcare
will make it less accessible to the poor.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Even though GHA initiated its protests in Punjab, they now
have chapters in all provinces. Pakistani doctors aren’t </span><span lang="EN"><a href="http://researchcollective.blogspot.com/2020/06/on-frontlines-strain-on-healthcare.html"><span style="color: #1155cc; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">well-equipped</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> to deal with Covid-19 patients -
many doctors have </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/news/2020/07/health-workers-rights-covid-report/"><span style="color: #1155cc; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">lost</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> their lives whilst saving Covid-19
patients due to high exposure to the virus. Doctors have protested for the
provision of PPEs and against non-payment of salaries by boycotting OPDs and
staging hunger strikes in urban centres. Dr. Alia Haider, a practitioner and
activist based in Lahore, said when she went to hospitals to distribute PPEs,
doctors demanded that the PPEs should be given directly to them instead of the
superintendents. “If you are sending a soldier to the borderline, you equip
them. You give them guns, bulletproof jackets etc. However, when doctors are
going in the frontline to save patients, they aren't given any PPEs. So, this
means that the government believes that a doctor's life is not as important as
a soldier's.”<br /></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><br />Our tracking of civic spaces during the time of Covid-19 has
revealed that health workers have been arrested, baton-charged and shamed
during protests for not being present in the frontline during the pandemic. For
example, in Quetta, police </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://www.dawn.com/news/1546921"><span style="color: #1155cc; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">baton-charged</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> and arrested several young doctors
protesting for provision of PPEs and in Lahore, they </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://nation.com.pk/18-Apr-2020/medics-on-hunger-strike-thrashed-by-police"><span style="color: #1155cc; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">thrashed</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>members of GHA protesting at a hunger strike.
Dr. Haider claims health workers were demonized for demanding their basic
rights, “There was always this notion that doctors and health workers are
mostly working for their own means as they are closing down OPDs. But the real
situation was totally opposite and we all got to see it. Balochistan's doctors
protested, and they were arrested and put in jail for two days.”</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;">Nurses </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://www.express.com.pk/epaper/PoPupwindow.aspx?newsID=1107668606&Issue=NP_KHI&Date=20200818"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;">hired</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;"> during the
emergency situation say they are being mistreated through inadequate provision
of<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>PPEs and irregular salaries. During
May, on International Nurses’ Day, they staged a </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://www.scmp.com/video/coronavirus/3084086/pakistan-nurses-boycott-work-stage-protest-better-working-conditions"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;">sit-in</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;"> outside the
Karachi Press Club to draw attention to the reality that 40 nurses in Sindh
were already infected with the virus. Months after the outbreak of Covid-19, </span><span lang="EN-US" style="background: white; color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;">nurses </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://www.express.com.pk/epaper/PoPupwindow.aspx?newsID=1107668606&Issue=NP_KHI&Date=20200818"><span lang="EN-US" style="background: white; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;">protested</span></a></span><span lang="EN-US" style="background: white; color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi;"> outside the Chief Minister’s house due
to unmet demands but they were baton-charged and ten arrested. Still, they announced
that they would not back down until their demands were met, and went ahead to
join the LHWs in their October protests.</span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Moreover, amidst a massive public health crisis, the
National Assembly passed a surprise </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://www.dawn.com/news/1581191"><span style="color: #1155cc; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">bill</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://www.medicalnewspk.com/graduates-will-have-to-pass-nle-to-qualify-for-house-job-pmc/"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">mandating</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> all medical students, many of whom
began to volunteer after the spread of the virus, to give the National License
Examination (NLE). Previously, only foreign graduates were obligated to give the
NLE if they wanted to practice medicine in Pakistan. In another move, the
Pakistan Medical and Dental Council (PMDC) was replaced with Pakistan Medical
Council (PMC) to enforce the NLE. Prime Minister Imran Khan believes that
mandating NLE will raise the standards of local medical and dental colleges to
an international level, but medical experts deem it to be discriminatory and
illogical. Students will only focus on clearing the NLE which will </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://nation.com.pk/22-Sep-2020/pmc-likely-to-compromise-medical-education-standard-by-ending-central-admission-test-policy"><span style="color: #1155cc; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">compromise</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> their overall learning and
adversely impact the quality of education. <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 10pt;"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Compounding the problem, PMC cannot regulate the fee charged
by medical colleges which means that financial burden on students’ families
will increase and several individuals won’t be able to afford the extortionate
fee. The Young Doctors’ Association (YDA) staged several </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://nation.com.pk/10-Oct-2020/yda-urges-federal-govt-to-abolish-pmc"><span style="color: #1155cc; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">protests</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> after this unnecessary bill was
passed, and hashtags such as #werejectNLE and #werejectPMC began trending on
social media. The Council, encompassing bureaucrats rather than medical
experts, recently announced that it will conduct the Medical and Dental College
Admission Test (MDCAT) without an academic board or medical authority </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://twitter.com/MJibranNasir/status/1326528748737458178"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">mandated</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> to design the syllabus and conduct
this examination. Infuriated students filed a petition against MDCAT. After vigorous
online activism, Sindh High Court </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://www.geo.tv/latest/318003-mdcat-2020-cancelled-as-shc-orders-pmc-to-form-academic-board-authority"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">delayed</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> the examination for 15 days so the
Council could develop a board and authority to meet students’ rightful demands.
<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Lady
Health Workers are essential to Pakistan’s response under Covid-19, as the
largest cadre of community-based healthcare providers in the country. LHWs have
been mobilizing since </span><span lang="EN"><a href="http://www.researchcollective.org/Documents/lady_health_workers_in_pakistan.pdf"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">2010</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> against insecure working
conditions, characterized by irregular and inadequate salaries, and part-time
status as government employees. The pandemic has only worsened their situation.
<span style="background: white; mso-highlight: white;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN" style="background: white; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-highlight: white;">Halima Leghari, President, All Sindh
Health Workers and Employees Union says LHWs haven’t been given any facilities
or kits during Covid-19 and they are working on the frontline without any
protection or security. They didn’t receive sanitizers or masks as protection
from the highly contagious virus and purchased protective equipment themselves.
She claims that LHWs in Sindh were receiving a health risk allowance since
Covid-19 began spreading in Pakistan but that allowance halted in October, due
to which health workers in Sindh began boycotting OPDs. Bushra Arain, President
of Lady Health Workers’ Association also complained about the </span><span lang="EN"><a href="http://www.researchcollective.org/Documents/Khan_Ayesha_Impact_of_Covid-19_on_Sexual_and_Reproductive_Health_and_Rights_in_Sindh.pdf"><span style="background: white; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-highlight: white;">lack</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="background: white; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-highlight: white;">
of requisite equipment and reported that it was difficult for LHWs continue their
work as contraceptive supplies began running out and they were unable to
fulfill their communities’ needs.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">On
October 14th, frustrated LHWs and pensioners staged a </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ZawBQCmLJWE"><span style="color: #1155cc; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">sit-in</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> in front of the Parliament House
demanding changes in the <span style="background: white; mso-highlight: white;">service
structure, increase in pensions, life insurance, salary increases and
protection in the anti-polio campaign. LHWs protested in dire conditions at
D-Chowk in Islamabad for </span></span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://www.pakistantoday.com.pk/2020/10/20/lhws-end-protest-after-govt-agrees-to-meet-demands/"><span style="background: white; color: #1155cc; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-highlight: white;">seven</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="background: white; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-highlight: white;"> days and only ended
their sit-in when government promised to meet their demands in the next few
months.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">With
the healthcare system in Pakistan crippled already, it appears that health
workers, essential but vulnerable, have no choice but to protest during these
conditions of an unprecedented pandemic. Neglected demands coupled with unjust new
regulations are forcing critical stakeholders from the health sector to stage
collective protests to amplify their voices. Clearly, a pandemic is not the
time to privatize the health sector, introduce NLEs or stop health risk allowances.
Their demands should be a priority for government in its pandemic response,
before the different cadres of health service providers unite in their refusal
to work without adequate protections and conditions of employment.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><br style="mso-special-character: line-break;" />
<!--[if !supportLineBreakNewLine]--><br style="mso-special-character: line-break;" />
<!--[endif]--><o:p></o:p></span></p>Laila Rajanihttp://www.blogger.com/profile/17166918470293148754noreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8032391584908972316.post-5281306604807551562020-09-30T15:18:00.003+05:002020-10-19T14:04:28.033+05:00 Absent Again: Women and the Covid-19 Response in Pakistan<p><span style="font-family: times; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">By: <a href="http://www.researchcollective.org/researchers_info.php?cat=author&val=A_134">Syeda Haleema Hasan</a></span></p><table cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody><tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgVHgDsKlyFwpvif8-qoyOccSsn5zVA7Pjdjzuu7M9eHYps9RJaUaDm0D5FqKIg8vlUkCGWa_vJ-E6ZXYAmqjzLPLbKwNucAcnn_-GnlMix0ciC3LNPrhDbRz1t-ePlLTAGVcOEq2AcrGg/s1204/smiling+childrens+.jpg" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><span style="font-family: times;"><img border="0" data-original-height="940" data-original-width="1204" height="313" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgVHgDsKlyFwpvif8-qoyOccSsn5zVA7Pjdjzuu7M9eHYps9RJaUaDm0D5FqKIg8vlUkCGWa_vJ-E6ZXYAmqjzLPLbKwNucAcnn_-GnlMix0ciC3LNPrhDbRz1t-ePlLTAGVcOEq2AcrGg/w422-h313/smiling+childrens+.jpg" width="422" /></span></a></td></tr><tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: times;">Photo by <a href="https://www.facebook.com/Wasim-Gazdar-Photography-306275736865127/">Wasim Gazdar Photography</a></span></td></tr></tbody></table><p><span style="font-family: times;"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Last month, Pakistan’s Prime Minister Imran Khan </span><a href="thenews.com.pk/latest/700510-pm-imran-says-pakistans-economy-improving-after-covid-19"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">assured</span></a><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">
that the country’s economy was on the path to reco</span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">very as t</span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">he pandemic’s
intensity lessened. The state has adopted measures to curb the virus and
mitigate its disastrous effects, including imposing lockdowns and introducing economic
relief packages. However, Pakistan’s Covid-19 response is largely missing one
half of its population: women. The pandemic’s disruptive impact
disproportionately affects women and any recovery failing to incorporate an
intersectional, gendered approach is incomplete. </span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">This blog provides a
summary of the gendered economic impact of the pandemic, critically analyzes
Pakistan’s major covid-19 response strategies with respect to women and finally
explores possibilities for remedial strategies. It is also important to remember
gender as a spectrum, with women being one marginalized gender focused in this blog.</span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><span style="font-size: 13.5pt;"><span style="font-family: times;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p><p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: times;"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">In order to understand COVID-19’s compounded effects
on Pakistani women, it is important to know the country’s existing </span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"><a href="http://www.mohr.gov.pk/SiteImage/Misc/files/GenderedImpact.pdf">multidimensional gender inequalities</a></span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"> that make women and girls particularly
vulnerable to the pandemic and its effects. The table below provides some
context, illustrating Pakistan’s performance on two global gender equality
indicators. India and Bangladesh, countries with similar socio-economic
characteristics and a shared history with Pakistan, fare much better in
comparison on the same indicators.</span></span></p><table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><tbody><tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj5e5kgJ-2qiglB4Lu21_GqFMU7JQjepSlbRjOhfqHmWJzp9f1ousUAU5MtI7RHh4SJ-EWjMgTOuHR46cuhIX501BEuPXcs3bn4n1xROruq48IaeD2qd7maUjn6uju7klTMI6EgfVYPtCQ/s600/Indicator+table.jpg" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><span style="font-family: times;"><img border="0" data-original-height="114" data-original-width="600" height="122" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj5e5kgJ-2qiglB4Lu21_GqFMU7JQjepSlbRjOhfqHmWJzp9f1ousUAU5MtI7RHh4SJ-EWjMgTOuHR46cuhIX501BEuPXcs3bn4n1xROruq48IaeD2qd7maUjn6uju7klTMI6EgfVYPtCQ/w640-h122/Indicator+table.jpg" width="640" /></span></a></td></tr><tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: times; text-align: left;"><span style="font-size: 10pt;">*Higher ratio value demonstrates greater gender equality.</span></span><div style="text-align: left;"><span style="font-family: times;"><i><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 18.4px;">Source: </span></i><a href="http://www3.weforum.org/docs/WEF_GGGR_2020.pdf"><i><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 18.4px;">WEF Global Gender Gap Report 2020;</span></i></a><i><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 18.4px;"> </span></i><i><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 18.4px;"><a href="http://hdr.undp.org/en/indicators/137906">United Nations Gender Development Index</a></span></i></span></div></td></tr></tbody></table><span style="font-family: times;"><div style="text-align: left;"><span style="font-size: 10pt;"> </span></div></span><div><span style="font-family: times; line-height: 115%;"><div style="text-align: left;"><br /></div></span><div><div style="text-align: left;"><span style="font-family: times;"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">A </span><span face=""Calibri","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><a href="https://www.unwomen.org/en/digital-library/publications/2020/04/policy-brief-the-impact-of-covid-19-on-women"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">policy
brief</span></a></span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"> issued by the UN Secretary General in April
2020 describes the impact of Covid-19 on women as far-reaching and long lasting
as a result of existing gender inequalities. The Ebola Virus, another deadly
disease with similar prevention measures such as quarantines, severely impacted
women’s economic activity with the effects persisting for women even after
men’s economic activity had returned to pre-crisis levels. </span><span face=""Calibri","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><a href="https://www.wider.unu.edu/publication/labour-market-implications-covid-19-bangladeshi-women"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Similar
projections</span></a></span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"> have emerged for Covid-19 which warn that labor
market conditions for women are unlikely to be restored to original levels
(which are already poor in Pakistan) even after preventive measures are lifted.
The causes are </span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">manifold, including increased unpaid care work and
household responsibilities of women, severely restricted female mobility and high
levels of informal sector and vulnerable employment as opposed to men.</span></span></div><span style="font-family: times;"><div style="text-align: left;"><br /></div></span><div><span style="font-family: times; font-size: 12pt;"></span><table cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody><tr><td style="text-align: center;"><table cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="float: right; margin-left: 1em; text-align: center;"><tbody><tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjJPhQGsHhOGZDa_UZXc7r5GZbM-MXS1k8-TMakIRj6DSxsA-kQo4BaOhY4OcC6q7gX6oOo1RABYGl6wJUbneTqfkA0_Js1J1EtDm1jsPC7pSaZ1SJjO-9U3621NQwVQyDFUJfWM_EyKB0/s483/HH+Responsibilities.jpg" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><span style="font-family: times;"><img border="0" data-original-height="291" data-original-width="483" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjJPhQGsHhOGZDa_UZXc7r5GZbM-MXS1k8-TMakIRj6DSxsA-kQo4BaOhY4OcC6q7gX6oOo1RABYGl6wJUbneTqfkA0_Js1J1EtDm1jsPC7pSaZ1SJjO-9U3621NQwVQyDFUJfWM_EyKB0/s320/HH+Responsibilities.jpg" width="320" /></span></a></td></tr><tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: times;"><b><span style="color: #666699; font-size: 10pt;">Figure 1: Female to male ratio of average time spent on unpaid domestic, care and volunteer work in a 24-hour period (source: </span></b><a href="https://stats.oecd.org/Index.aspx?DataSetCode=GIDDB2019"><b><span style="font-size: 10pt;">OECD</span></b></a><b><span style="color: #666699; font-size: 10pt;">)<br /><br /></span></b><img border="0" data-original-height="357" data-original-width="396" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgTApXCU_U60d6MeRkjE6fApdg-kfM8XQqqZCsd5O3IMs5gA1mN3Esb5D51f3Y36DZyHh2aM7EAKOZQj1jKGj-XH0f_0cHa299fCtfRCU7tx3alqf4Xu_856qKKSRUeHSx6ox0S1-_pHP0/s320/Labor+Market+Statistics+%25282%2529.jpg" width="320" /><b><span style="color: #666699; font-size: 10pt;"><br /></span><br /></b></span></td></tr></tbody></table></td></tr><tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in;"><span style="font-family: times;"><b><span style="color: #666699; font-size: 10pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Figure 2: Statistics
on female employment (source: </span></b><b><span style="font-size: 10pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><a href="http://www.pbs.gov.pk/sites/default/files/Labour%20Force/publications/lfs2017_18/TABLE-15_perc_R.pdf">Pakistan Labor Force Survey 2017-18</a></span></b><b><span style="color: #666699; font-size: 10pt;">; <a href="http://www.pbs.gov.pk/sites/default/files/Pakistan%20Employment%20Trend%20%20Reprt%202018%20Final.pdf">Pakistan Employment Trends 2018</a>)</span></b></span></p></td></tr></tbody></table><div><p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: left;"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: times; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-size: 12pt;">Figures 1 and 2 provide some statistics on these
conditions. Time spent in unpaid domestic, care and volunteer work by Pakistani
women is 10 times higher than men and more than women in both Bangladesh and
India (figure 1). These numbers are likely to be greater with increased
domestic responsibilities (health, elderly and child care) as a result of the
pandemic. As the time spent on care work increases, women’s ability to
participate in the workforce decreases. The </span><a href="http://www3.weforum.org/docs/WEF_GGGR_2020.pdf" style="font-size: 12pt;">World Economic Forum</a><span style="font-size: 12pt;">
examined this correlation for a host of countries, finding that the greater the
proportion of unpaid domestic work per day, the lower was female economic
participation and opportunity. This suggests that the existing very low female
labor force participation in Pakistan (20%) is likely to drop further unless targeted
efforts are made to counter this. Care work also limits women’s ability
to adjust to the changing circumstances, such as carrying out work remotely. Additionally,
a greater employment of women in vulnerable jobs (figure 2) means weaker
contracts and poorer work conditions. This means women are more susceptible to
the layoffs and income declines </span><span style="font-size: 12pt;"><a href="https://www.aa.com.tr/en/asia-pacific/millions-of-pakistani-laborers-struggle-amid-covid-19-lockdown/1824231">consequent</a>
</span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">of COVID-19.</span> </span></span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: times; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"></span></span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: left;"><span style="font-family: times;"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">The pandemic’s gendered effects have consequences
extending beyond the women themselves. </span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">For instance, higher female absenteeism and
drop-outs</span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"> in schools and decreased female labor force
participation have been </span><a href="https://www.malala.org/brookings-report/the-worlds-best-investment-girls-education"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">known</span></a><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">
to adversely impact healthcare (for women and children both), economic growth
and incidence of child marriage amongst other consequences. In countries like
Pakistan, where </span><a href="https://www.asafeworldforwomen.org/global-news/asia/pakistan/4948-stark-reality.html"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">harmful
gender attitudes and norms</span></a><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"> already threaten the safety and
survival of women, these effects are expected to be far worse.</span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: left;"><span style="font-family: times;"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">The Pakistani state has undertaken some measures to
combat the virus and its effects. Its response includes </span><a href="https://tribune.com.pk/story/2206167/1-countrywide-lockdown-stretched-till-may-9"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">complete
lockdowns</span></a><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">, </span><a href="https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2020/06/23/smart-lockdown-in-pakistan-to-target-500-coronavirus-hotspots/?gb=true"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">partial
or smart lockdowns</span></a><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"> in virus ‘hotspots’, mobilizing the </span><a href="https://ncoc.gov.pk/"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">National Command and Operation Centre </span></a><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">to
coordinate efforts against COVID-19 and disbursement of a one-off payment of
PKR 12,000 under the<u> </u></span><a href="https://www.pass.gov.pk/Detailf90ce1f7-083a-4d85-b3e8-60f75ba0d788"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Ehsaas
Emergency Cash fund</span></a><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">. Additionally, the State Bank </span><a href="https://www.geo.tv/latest/283235-state-bank-reduces-interest-ra"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">reduced
interest rates</span></a><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"> by 4.25 percent within a month of the
lockdown (the rate </span><a href="http://www.sbp.org.pk/m_policy/2020/MPS-Jun-2020-Eng.pdf"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">presently</span></a><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">
stands at 7 percent) to incentivize employers to retain workers and pay their
wages. </span><a href="https://www.coronavirus-legislation.com/home/pakistan"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Other
concessions</span></a><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"> provided by the state bank include schemes
such as concessionary refinance and extension of loans.<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: left;"><span style="font-family: times;"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">However, the state has demonstrated barely any sensitivity
to gender in policy design, despite the aforementioned disproportionate effects
of the virus <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">and </i>preventive measures on
women. The </span><a href="https://www.nih.org.pk/wp-content/uploads/2020/03/COVID-19-NAP-V2-13-March-2020.pdf?__cf_chl_jschl_tk__=a89021e789314a616e97d2f582ca6b00aafe7429-1601295640-0-AelkM-cGkN6s20KcApw3WnbX0LsOHt3B3gFL2ilPZvNAMVe_guPrGH5Fz63Yc4kPI04-FRrb_ydlJ2He7UWRB1AB0fxULBp9ZmHwb6BubIkBuQvT38c7mPYbys50nCrpVPGAGEmKrqDC4L30mNmVPRKIP9hkPqHUsTlB32YSkH6fP4mBO_hxENlbh5i_fMtQgM1iMvS3MHohOOy_b5lSONRqTUi_poC6dTShKS_z8wZixc5-kVUJPU5goRJEC7wECIUBnOdO6R01BOxsfrt6j_MwLlHAq1dFdK2RkEvogTDvLpj7EBn3oR1hJfokk-yv9nfZQMyV-TzRPnXBlIObaAPd0xIsbUXKO_ShQclrnHkD"><span style="background: white; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">National Action Plan for COVID</span></a><span class="MsoHyperlink"><span style="background: white; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">-19</span></span><span style="background: white; color: black; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"> has no recognition of gendered or intersectional
impact in either its goals or its objectives. Without recognition, it is
unlikely actual action on the same will materialize. </span><span style="background: white; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">This is already evident from the lack of female representation
on the various committees established to implement the plan.<u> </u></span><u><span style="background: white; color: blue; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"><a href="https://www.ifes.org/sites/default/files/gender_impact_of_covid-19_in_pakistan_contextual_analysis_and_the_way_forward_may_2020.pdf">One
research</a></span></u><span style="background: white; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"> found women represent only 5.5% of these committee
members nationwide, with a total of 253 men and only 14 women in COVID-19 response
committees. Trans people, although <a href="https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2018/05/09/pakistan-passes-landmark-transgender-rights-law/?gb=true">now with rights on paper</a>, are completely
absent from these plans and bodies.</span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: left;"><span style="font-family: times;"><span style="background: white; color: black; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">There are no </span><a href="https://www.unwomen.org/-/media/headquarters/attachments/sections/library/publications/2020/policy-brief-the-impact-of-covid-19-on-women-en.pdf?la=en&vs=1406"><span style="background: white; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">economic concessions</span></a><span style="background: white; color: black; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"> targeting women, such as financial schemes for female entrepreneurs or
public procurement of items such as personal protective equipment from
women-led businesses. In fact, there is little to no evidence available on the
implementation and positive impact of existing concessions. The Pakistan
Industrial and Traders Association Front (PIAF) has </span><a href="https://tribune.com.pk/story/2217981/covid-19-pakistan-zero-implementation-govt-relief-package"><span style="background: white; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">said</span></a><span style="background: white; color: black; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"> that
there is “zero implementation on directives of the government” and instead a
refusal to offer loans and implement refinancing schemes with several small and
medium enterprises suffering. Such a failure of implementation means even if a
gendered and intersectional lens is employed in design, there is little hope
for its benefits materializing.</span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: left;"><span style="font-family: times;"><span style="background: white; color: black; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Perhaps the only
pro-women policy by the government is the </span><a href="https://pass.gov.pk/Overview.aspx"><span style="background: white; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Ehsaas</span></a><span style="background: white; color: black; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"> program, established by the government’s
Division of Poverty Alleviation and Social Safety as a new poverty alleviation
mechanism in 2019. A reformation of the Benazir Income Support program, </span><a href="https://www.pass.gov.pk/userfiles1/files/EECreportAugust4FINAL.pdf"><span style="background: white; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Ehsaas Kafaalat</span></a><span style="background: white; color: black; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"> provided</span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"> women from very poor families a monthly
stipend of PKR 2000 for 4 months beginning February 2020. <span class="MsoHyperlink"><span color="windowtext" style="text-decoration: none; text-underline: none;">Although more updated and</span></span><span class="MsoHyperlink"><span color="windowtext"> </span></span><span class="MsoHyperlink"><span color="windowtext" style="text-decoration: none; text-underline: none;">accessible than its predecessor, the Kafaalat program
still requires significant changes to benefit the female population. This is </span></span></span><span color="windowtext" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; text-decoration: none; text-underline: none;">because</span><span class="MsoHyperlink"><span color="windowtext" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; text-decoration: none; text-underline: none;"> the program </span></span><a href="https://www.cgdev.org/sites/default/files/womens-access-cash-transfers-light-covid-19.pdf"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">requires</span></a><span class="MsoHyperlink"><span color="windowtext" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; text-underline: none;"> a notable degree of access to digital and financial resources such as
cellphones, bank accounts as well as IDs, most of which are disproportionately
unavailable to women in Pakistan. Additionally, the program relies on the 2011 National
Socioeconomic Registry (NSER) that is yet to be updated. This means no COVID-specific
targeting has been done under the Kafaalat program. <a href="http://researchcollective.blogspot.com/2020/05/economic-dynamics-and-resource-envelopes.html">Since</a>
</span><span color="windowtext" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; text-underline: none;">the targeted households are the poorest of the population they are likely to be
<a href="https://www.dawn.com/news/1444874">largely in rural areas</a> while
the virus hotspots are <a href="https://www.aa.com.tr/en/asia-pacific/pakistan-identifies-20-hotspots-for-covid-19/1877761">mostly
identified in big cities</a>. So, although the program’s funds will benefit recipient
women, these benefits are less likely to reach women significantly impacted by
the virus. The categories of the umbrella Ehsaas program addressing the new
poor (II and III) do not target women specifically.</span></span><u><span style="color: blue; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-themecolor: hyperlink;"><o:p></o:p></span></u></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: left;"><span style="font-family: times;"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">For Pakistan to truly recover from the pandemic, a holistic
and intersectional approach needs to be adopted towards remedial strategies.
Existing research and literature provides several examples that can serve as
replicable models for the country. </span><a href="https://www.unwomen.org/-/media/headquarters/attachments/sections/library/publications/2013/1/economic-crises-and-womens-work%20pdf.pdf?la=en&vs=1454"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Economic
Crises and Women’s Work</span></a><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">, a report by UN Women, provides
the examples of Argentina and Sweden, two countries whose crisis response was
sensitive to women’s employment conditions. In Sweden, this involved strategies
such as direct public employment for women as well as educational and
vocational assistance. Such strategies can be incorporated into existing
programs like the government’s employment generation scheme “</span><a href="https://www.thenews.com.pk/print/668947-pakistan-s-green-stimulus-creates-new-jobs"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">green
stimulus</span></a><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">” and provincial vocational training centers. More
importantly, Sweden’s policies were not limited to isolated labor market
interventions but involved a broader macroeconomic strategy that cultivated
better quality jobs and decent living conditions. On the other hand, Argentina’s
example emphasizes another important aspect of recovery; administrative and
legislative changes, such as enforcement of minimum wages and mechanisms to
ensure compliance. Moreover, a strong welfare state and collective bargaining
mechanisms, especially for vulnerable groups at the bottom of the wage pyramid,
is crucial fo<span class="MsoCommentReference"><span style="line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">r managing any crisis</span></span>
and its aftermath.<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: left;"><span style="font-family: times;"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Equally crucial for policy design, both during and
after the pandemic, is the collection and dissemination of </span><a href="https://www.theigc.org/blog/dangers-of-not-knowing-enough-about-covid-19-imapct-on-women-in-pakistan/"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">gender
disaggregated data</span></a><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"> on Covid-19.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>A contextual analysis of such data allows for
more nuanced decision making. Furthermore, an </span><a href="https://www.cgdev.org/sites/default/files/womens-access-cash-transfers-light-covid-19.pdf"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">analysis</span></a><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">
of Ehsaas Kafalaat identifies solutions such as delivering funds directly to
women as a first step in addition to other mechanisms including giving priority
to applications submitted by women. These approaches allow program benefits to
reach more women and pave way for further action. Finally, health and safety
are crucial for survival and policies must address the atrocious neglect women
face in accessing quality services. Pakistan can also explore innovative
solutions during the pandemic such as in the </span><a href="https://www.theguardian.com/society/2020/apr/01/nhs-urged-to-turn-hotels-into-birth-centres-during-coronavirus-crisis"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Netherlands</span></a><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">,
where midwife teams are utilizing closed hotels to provide maternity care. Of
course, all such solutions require care and precautions on part of the
practitioners.<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: left;"><span style="font-family: times;"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">These examples point to the various possibilities
for gendered approaches to the pandemic’s management. Pakistan’s female
population makes up almost </span><a href="https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/SP.POP.TOTL.FE.ZS?locations=PK"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">half</span></a><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">
of its total. Neglect of women in any policy will have dire consequences for
the country as a whole. As Pakistan’s Covid-19 battle seems to ease and
attention turns to recovery, it is imperative that women – especially those
belonging to vulnerable groups - are centered in policy design and
implementation.<o:p></o:p></span></span></p><div style="text-align: left;"><br /></div><p></p></div></div></div></div>Unknownnoreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8032391584908972316.post-15228538514948248742020-09-08T09:26:00.005+05:002020-10-29T15:55:52.364+05:00The land is eager to teach<p><span style="background-color: white;"><span style="font-family: times;">by <a href="http://www.researchcollective.org/researchers_info2.php?val=A_001" target="_blank">Haris Gazdar</a></span></span></p><p><span style="background-color: white;"></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhch10o5UhWLnG2wO6ViTFsVaFQ1Osb4gX1LwW6wztM1LlAL5PTaL0vFmy-siB3CkfhaEsxnuJ8kLpF6H0DQh4c510QLY1ZNhFnFhSmMdjll1hVW_vWlwEQ-k3ZJB74_FxYkirH0Dfi88WL/s2048/59a830ba42f63.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="1229" data-original-width="2048" height="375" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhch10o5UhWLnG2wO6ViTFsVaFQ1Osb4gX1LwW6wztM1LlAL5PTaL0vFmy-siB3CkfhaEsxnuJ8kLpF6H0DQh4c510QLY1ZNhFnFhSmMdjll1hVW_vWlwEQ-k3ZJB74_FxYkirH0Dfi88WL/w625-h375/59a830ba42f63.jpg" width="625" /></a></div><div style="text-align: center;"><span style="color: #999999; font-size: x-small;">image by Asif Hassan/AFP</span></div><p></p><div style="background-color: white; margin: 0px 0in; text-align: left;"><span style="background-color: white;"><span style="font-family: times;">“If consciously or otherwise you were brought up believing that Karachi in 1947 was "a land without people for a people without land" this must be a disturbing time for you. Commiserations.<br /></span></span><span style="font-family: times;"> And if in your imagination Karachi was not part of Sindh, commiserations again. Check Google Maps. What is Karachi? A settlement on the sea shore, occupying land between the Hub and Malir Rivers, to the north of the farthest reach of the Indus delta.<br /></span><span style="font-family: times;"> <br /></span><span style="font-family: times;">You assumed, without ever caring to actually know, that you were entitled to the water that flows down the Kirthar Range, and the Indus, but only if it comes in taps. Commiserations. Water flows down. Sometimes taps come in the way. Sometimes not.<br /></span><span style="font-family: times;"> <br /></span><span style="font-family: times;">Urban planners duped you into assuming that the land, its rocks, hills, riverbeds, bushes, backwaters, mangroves, the sea, its tides and currents don't matter. Omnipotence of civil engineering. Commiserations.<br /></span><span style="font-family: times;"> <br /></span><span style="font-family: times;">You need to lash out. Of course you do. From omnipotence to impotence. What else will you do? The word Sindh, forget Sindhis for a minute, the word Sindh, it strikes fear because it shatters the fiction of omnipotence. Commiserations, and compassion.<br /></span><span style="font-family: times;"> <br /></span><span style="font-family: times;">Take time out. Let things settle. A crime has been committed. Relax, you are not the criminal. But you are not the most wretched victim, certainly not the only one. Let it sink in: there is no land without people, there are no people without land.<br /></span><span style="font-family: times;"> <br /></span><span style="font-family: times;">You are not impotent, omnipotence was an illusion. The fear is understandable. Let it pass. Sindh will irk you less. Sindhis too. The land is eager to teach, through people who have given it the time, their stories stores of knowledge, wisdom even, will make you powerful again.”</span><span style="font-family: times;"><br /></span><span style="font-family: times;"><i>This post is adapted from a Twitter thread by the author published on 2 September, 2020. Follow <a href="https://twitter.com/CollectiveKHI" target="_blank">@CollectiveKHI</a> and <a href="https://twitter.com/HarisGazdar?s=20" target="_blank">@HarisGazdar</a> to stay up to date with analysis and insights on current news in Pakistan and South Asia.</i></span></div>Laila Rajanihttp://www.blogger.com/profile/17166918470293148754noreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8032391584908972316.post-51192862033163407602020-08-24T11:15:00.001+05:002020-08-26T20:58:33.765+05:00Populist Policy not Effective Reform: Why Amending Pakistan’s Drug Pricing Policy is a Mistake<p>By: <a href="http://www.researchcollective.org/researchers_info.php?cat=author&val=A_079" target="_blank">Kabeer Dawani</a> </p><table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><tbody><tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhAvcCJcLAU1LuHYPgld158bJEbPGZkVT0e0g_eCLbkWxBCNgTBxcRBPtqeUo68Nbs-7qEird2IVeLcX3dmJlfISfMTBkO3SZ_UWBb92D55GcE5MNfuztOcCIjb6P6WO0qR4ZoUOjd2fdZD/s1173/pill-drugs-medicine-health-doctor-medical-pharmacy-emergency.jpg" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" data-original-height="1173" data-original-width="880" height="400" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhAvcCJcLAU1LuHYPgld158bJEbPGZkVT0e0g_eCLbkWxBCNgTBxcRBPtqeUo68Nbs-7qEird2IVeLcX3dmJlfISfMTBkO3SZ_UWBb92D55GcE5MNfuztOcCIjb6P6WO0qR4ZoUOjd2fdZD/w300-h400/pill-drugs-medicine-health-doctor-medical-pharmacy-emergency.jpg" width="300" /></a></td></tr><tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><br /></td></tr></tbody></table><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><br /></div><p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">Earlier this
month, the Federal Government of Pakistan <a href="https://profit.pakistantoday.com.pk/2020/07/08/govt-takes-away-drug-pricing-power-from-pharmaceutical-companies/?fbclid=IwAR34OqHEFCPg9WNCNeDUPnFY5v7NO8lzKZRLUNKt4Af568q4ztkY1codcjY">amended
the Drug Pricing Policy of 2018</a> in a bid to reinstate the government’s control
over medicine prices and end automatic, inflation-adjusted increases. This
follows public outcry in January 2019 over price increases and ongoing debates
around affordable healthcare in the wake of the COVID pandemic.</p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="">Medicine pricing
has long been a controversial issue in Pakistan. Currently all pharmaceuticals
have strict price ceilings, which, combined with a policy of price rigidity,
has incentivised manufacturers to set very high initial margins. As a result,
consumers face overpricing, shortages of drugs that are no longer profitable to
manufacture, as well as poorer quality and less effective substitutes. While
the Drug Pricing Policy was welcomed by many in the industry as a way to
regulate an otherwise ad-hoc process, medicine pricing remains a populist issue
and politicians face pressure to keep prices low. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="">For the past two
years in partnership with the <a href="https://ace.soas.ac.uk/" target="_blank">SOAS Anti-Corruption Evidence</a> research consortium, I
have researched the Pakistani pharmaceutical sector, with a focus on
rent-seeking related to pricing. In two papers coauthored with Asad Sayeed, I
discuss the <a href="https://ace.soas.ac.uk/publication/anti-corruption-pakistan-pharmaceutical-sector/">political
settlement of Pakistan’s pharmaceutical sector</a> and issues of <a href="https://ace.soas.ac.uk/publication/pakistans-pharmaceutical-sector/">pricing,
procurement and quality</a>.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="">So, why is
pricing of medicines so contentious in Pakistan? Do the strict price controls
have positive or negative consequences? And can the pricing regime be
structured in a way that benefits both the industry and the consumer?<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span lang="">Populism in pricing <o:p></o:p></span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="">Pakistan has
implemented strict price controls and rigidity on medicines despite not having
a clearly defined price-setting policy until 2015. From 2001 to 2013 there was
a virtual price freeze on medicines. And even in 2013 when the Nawaz Sharif
government increased prices, the decision was reversed within a matter of days
due to public pressure. Pharmaceutical firms subsequently pursued a series of
court orders until price increases were granted and a pricing policy was
instituted, first in 2015, and then again in 2018. <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="">The <a href="https://www.dra.gov.pk/Home/Download?ImageName=Drug%20Pricing%20Policy%202018_new.pdf">2018
drug pricing policy</a> was formulated after due consultation with relevant
stakeholders – nearly all of the people interviewed for our study supported it.
The policy rationalises what was previously an ad-hoc process of price
determination and increases, which one manufacturer termed as a ‘negotiation’
with the government. Under the new policy, increases were granted based on
inflation – such as for essential medicines which could be increased by 70% of
annual inflation once a year.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="">However, early
in 2019 there was public uproar over approved price increases that <a href="https://www.dawn.com/news/1479611/is-freezing-drug-prices-a-rational-health-policy">I
have previously argued were largely legitimate</a>. At the time, the Imran Khan-led
government came under considerable pressure by the media and the then-federal
health minister, Aamir Kiani, was <a href="https://tribune.com.pk/story/1955960/1-amir-kiani-breaks-silence-denies-involvement-drug-price-hike">removed
from office for alleged corruption</a> in granting the increases. In May 2019
the new health minister, Dr Zafar Mirza, was tasked with reducing these prices <a href="https://www.dawn.com/news/1482743">within 72 hours</a> and, by the start
of 2020, the government had <a href="https://www.dawn.com/news/1524622">reduced
the prices of 89 medicines</a> by 15%. <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="">This month the
government has <a href="https://profit.pakistantoday.com.pk/2020/07/08/govt-takes-away-drug-pricing-power-from-pharmaceutical-companies/?fbclid=IwAR34OqHEFCPg9WNCNeDUPnFY5v7NO8lzKZRLUNKt4Af568q4ztkY1codcjY">revoked
the inflation-based price increases</a> and has reinstated the Drug Regulatory
Authority of Pakistan’s (DRAP) <a href="https://www.dawn.com/news/1568270">arbitrary
powers</a> to decide increases – which must be seen in the broader context of
strict price controls. Every government, across parties and systems, has
continued with the populist policy of restricting increases because any change
in the price of medicine – an essential good – is perceived as a failure of
government and anti-poor. But populist debates often ignore the wider ramifications
of the price controls.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span lang="">What do price controls mean in reality?<o:p></o:p></span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="">The strict price
controls increase the production costs of drugs, which means that pharmaceutical
manufacturers employ multiple mechanisms to continue to grow and profit. <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="">Firms secure
very high initial prices – sometimes with margins of 1000% – because they know
that these will be squeezed over time. There are also inevitable shortages if a
medicine is not profitable to produce (<a href="https://journals.plos.org/plosone/article?id=10.1371/journal.pone.0063515">one
study</a> found that only about a third of essential medicines were available
in the market), while higher-priced substitutes may be introduced and produced that
are more economical for manufacturers. Due to lax regulation, firms routinely
compromise on minimum production standards (‘Good Manufacturing Practices’ or
GMPs) too that are a necessary condition for quality medicines, in an effort to
secure higher profits.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="">Although hard to
quantify, consumers will experience negative health effects from sub-standard
drugs – they have to consume medicines for longer due to their lower quality
and may not be able to access essential medicines at all due to their
unavailability. Patients may also experience complications from the drugs
shortages and slower treatment due to lower efficacy. Consumers have to spend
more on medicines too – our research shows that for the poorest 10% of the
population, expenditure on medicines as a share of total health expenditure
nearly doubled from 45% in 2010–11 to 80% in 2015–16. <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="">So the stated
aim of price controls – to keep prices in check so medicines are affordable for
low-income households – is directly contradicted because of the incentives
created for firms to circumvent the restrictions. And the consequences described
above are harmful for the broader population, disproportionately affecting the
poorest in Pakistan. <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span lang="">Strategies for reform<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span></span></b><span lang=""><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="">In the
Democratic primary campaign in the United States, Bernie Sanders and Elizabeth
Warren consistently <a href="https://www.commondreams.org/views/2019/02/02/bernie-sanders-and-elizabeth-warren-team-lower-prescription-drug-prices">highlighted
exorbitantly high drug prices as an issue</a>. Left alone to capitalist forces,
prices for medicines can skyrocket. However, at the other end of the spectrum, Pakistan’s
strict price controls demonstrate harmful consequences in developmental terms. <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="">A balance needs
to be struck of course, and Pakistan’s Drug Pricing Policy of 2018 as
originally devised was a step in the right direction in establishing clear
rules for rational pricing. As a result of the latest amendment this month, the
current government may undo the beneficial aspects of the 2018 policy and they
should seriously reconsider their decision.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="">A large body of
political economy research suggests that top-down policy changes are difficult
to initiate and implement. Instead, successful improvements can be achieved
through horizontal changes by industry or other players in the economy –
policy-makers and industry stakeholders in Pakistan should take heed. <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang=""><a href="https://ace.soas.ac.uk/wp-content/uploads/2020/07/ACE-WorkingPaper025-PakistanPharma-200701.pdf">Our
study</a> suggests that a feasible way to seek improvements in pricing and
access to medicines is if pharmaceutical firms and the media can work together.
The media in Pakistan has significant power in shaping public discourse and
opinion. But, due to the complexity of the pharmaceutical sector and the
relationship between pricing and larger public health concerns, reporting has
been inadequate and often misplaced. The media, in fact, reinforces the
populist pressure on governments to suppress medicine prices. <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="">And so the onus
is on the pharmaceutical sector to work <span style="mso-bidi-font-style: italic;">with</span>
the media. One possible way to do this is through <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">independent</i> journalism schools who organize workshops to train journalists.
The industry can finance these schools, who can then organize workshops for
journalists on the impact of price controls on social welfare and the broader
effects beyond populist debates. The trainings will be credible because they
will be conducted independently and not the industry, who will not have any
editorial input. This is crucial for the strategy to be successful, and some
schools do presently organize journalists’ trainings through corporate
financing, so it is not unprecedented. Thus, if the print and electronic media
can report more critically and highlight the harmful impact of rigidity in
medicine pricing and its ad hoc nature, it could be possible to decrease
incrementally public opposition to price increases. <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="">In turn,
informed public attitudes will allow politicians to enforce consistent, rule-based
price increases. Not only will this reduce drugs shortages, it will also reduce
the high margins on medicines and the propensity for higher-priced substitutes.
Although such efforts will take time, this is one <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">feasible</i> way for meaningful reform in the pharmaceutical sector and
for improvement in access to medicines in Pakistan.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang=""><br /><i>This article is an output of a research
programme (</i></span><span lang=""><a href="https://ace.soas.ac.uk/"><i>SOAS-ACE</i></a><i>)
funded by UK Aid from the UK government. The views presented here are those of
the author and do not necessarily represent the views of the UK Government’s
official policies.</i></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><i><span lang="">This essay was first published by </span></i><span lang=""><a href="https://nayadaur.tv/2020/07/why-amending-pakistans-drug-pricing-policy-is-a-mistake/"><i>Naya
Daur Media</i></a><i> and is reproduced here with the author’s permission.</i></span></p>Laila Rajanihttp://www.blogger.com/profile/17166918470293148754noreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8032391584908972316.post-87459305475983729362020-07-06T19:35:00.000+05:002020-07-10T04:23:26.994+05:00Lives and Livelihoods: The Inevitable Defeats of Pakistan’s Poor<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;">
By: <a href="http://www.researchcollective.org/researchers_info.php?cat=author&val=A_134" target="_blank">Syeda Haleema Hasan</a> </div>
<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhtCagOhBTaM8EP-G2sujc4sEusjqGON5jggVIdtbJYMArYmtco4wlofAdvM0yrx5TgoLY2e7t1EsHvKUYj99gsRXc_0fd964f2yiPAUEHW8KkIU1k1D4SRC8eVm8ZDIAtD31NlcwKcTgA/s1600/CORONA-VIRUS-PAKISTAN-151.JPG" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" data-original-height="1067" data-original-width="1600" height="425" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhtCagOhBTaM8EP-G2sujc4sEusjqGON5jggVIdtbJYMArYmtco4wlofAdvM0yrx5TgoLY2e7t1EsHvKUYj99gsRXc_0fd964f2yiPAUEHW8KkIU1k1D4SRC8eVm8ZDIAtD31NlcwKcTgA/s640/CORONA-VIRUS-PAKISTAN-151.JPG" width="640" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">A family of 7 live in a one-bedroom home in machar (mosquito) colony, a slum in Karachi during a </span>3-day lockdown on March 22, 2020. <br />Saiyna Bashir for The New York Times.</span></td></tr>
</tbody></table>
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;">
<br /></div>
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<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: inherit;"><span style="line-height: 17.12px;">Pakistan’s first Covid-19 case was confirmed in late February. Over the next four months, and amidst varying responses to the virus, Pakistan has emerged amongst the countries </span><a href="https://gulfnews.com/world/asia/pakistan/covid-19-pakistan-is-now-the-20th-most-affected-country-with-more-than-43000-coronavirus-cases-1.71579956" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="line-height: 17.12px;">most affected</span></a><span style="line-height: 17.12px;"> by the pandemic. Classified as a lower middle income country by the World Bank, it faces an exacerbated impact of the virus due to various factors, including poor infrastructure, limited resources, as well as bureaucratic inefficiencies and political instability.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
</div>
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<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: inherit;"><span style="line-height: 17.12px;">In addition to a public health crisis, Covid-19 has created </span><a href="https://review.chicagobooth.edu/economics/2020/article/how-covid-19-shocked-both-supply-and-demand" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="line-height: 17.12px;">interrelated</span></a><span style="line-height: 17.12px;"> </span><a href="https://voxeu.org/article/decomposing-demand-and-supply-shocks-during-covid-19" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="line-height: 17.12px;">demand and supply shocks</span></a><span style="line-height: 17.12px;"> for the economy where various sectors are witnessing declining production and consumption, leading to negative impacts on income and employment. Coupled with </span><a href="https://foreignpolicy.com/2020/03/04/blindsided-on-the-supply-side/" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="line-height: 17.12px;">disruptions in global supply chains</span></a><span style="line-height: 17.12px;"> and </span><a href="https://tribune.com.pk/story/2193663/1-fragile-health-facilities-may-face-corona-catastrophe/" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="line-height: 17.12px;">failures in the healthcare system</span></a><span style="line-height: 17.12px;">, these shocks have devastating economic and social consequences. Such consequences have contributed significantly to Pakistan’s </span><a href="https://www.dawn.com/news/1557724" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="line-height: 17.12px;">lockdown debate</span></a><span style="line-height: 17.12px;">, where proponents argue that lockdowns reduce transmission and consequently prevent a surge in infections and possible deaths while opponents assert that the loss of livelihoods resulting from these measures starve the poor and have far worse economic outcomes. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
</div>
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<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: inherit; line-height: 17.12px;">However, in examining the pandemic’s effects on private consumption of the Pakistani population in general, and for lower-income households in particular, this blog shows that Pakistan’s poor are likely to lose out irrespective of a lockdown as incomes and health are both compromised. Pakistan needs to divert focus away from the incorrect dichotomy pitting lives against livelihoods and towards evidence-based policies in order to effectively combat the virus while also protecting its most vulnerable population.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<div style="text-align: justify;">
<b><span style="font-family: inherit; line-height: 17.12px;">Changes in Consumption<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
</div>
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<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: inherit;"><span style="line-height: 17.12px;">Covid-19 has caused significant changes in consumer behavior, which are both a catalyst as well as an outcome of the aforementioned market shocks. As income sources become precarious or lost, demand falls in turn putting further strains on income. In a recent article, John Mullbauer <span class="MsoHyperlink" style="color: blue; text-decoration-line: underline;"><a href="https://voxeu.org/article/coronavirus-pandemic-and-us-consumption" target="_blank">predicts</a></span> that the United States’ quarterly consumption is likely to fall faster than income, by approximately 20%, due to Covid-19. A similar impact can be anticipated for Pakistan’s economy given the Federal Government’s </span><a href="https://www.voanews.com/covid-19-pandemic/lockdown-or-no-lockdown-confusion-dominates-pakistans-covid-response" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="line-height: 17.12px;">perplexed Covid-19 response</span></a><span style="line-height: 17.12px;"> and the continuing </span><a href="https://tribune.com.pk/story/2236004/3-pakistans-lockdown-gamble-covid-19-cases-surge" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="line-height: 17.12px;">surge in infections</span></a><span style="line-height: 17.12px;">. Pakistan’s poverty rate is </span><a href="https://www.dawn.com/news/1557111" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="line-height: 17.12px;">estimated</span></a><span style="line-height: 17.12px;"> to rise up to 33.5% </span><span style="line-height: 17.12px;"> and </span><a href="https://www.dawn.com/news/1565089" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="line-height: 17.12px;">falls in private consumption</span></a><span style="line-height: 17.12px;"> are expected<b>, </b>particularly for more vulnerable sectors such as recreation and restaurants. </span><span class="MsoHyperlink"><span style="line-height: 17.12px;">Overall spending will also suffer since online shopping is unlikely to compensate the fall in demand due to lockdowns, at least in the short run. On the other hand, spending on food eaten at home and healthcare is anticipated to rise. Some </span></span><a href="https://www.dawn.com/news/1557129" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="line-height: 17.12px;">analyses</span></a><span class="MsoHyperlink"><span style="line-height: 17.12px;"> have reported a 66% decline in the amount spent on eating out while a 70% increase in the amount spent on groceries in Pakistan. With the shift to working from home in partial or complete lockdowns, spending on transportation and fuel is likely to go down as well while there will be potential rise in demand for better telecommunication services and online shopping.</span></span></span></div>
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<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: inherit;"><span class="MsoHyperlink"><span style="line-height: 17.12px;">As consumer behavior adjusts to the changing circumstances in Pakistan, the poorer households become the worst hit by the pandemic, where consumption decisions are also influenced by larger realities such as the absence of adequate social safety nets. </span></span><span style="line-height: 17.12px;">Carolina Sánchez-Páramo, a World Bank economist, </span><a href="https://blogs.worldbank.org/voices/covid-19-will-hit-poor-hardest-heres-what-we-can-do-about-it" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="line-height: 17.12px;">explains</span></a><span style="line-height: 17.12px;"> that the poor suffer more owing to greater vulnerability arising from factors such as location, with many of the urban poor living in close quarters where social distancing is difficult if not impossible to achieve. In Pakistan, this is evidenced by the </span><a href="https://www.geo.tv/latest/285237-no-social-distancing-in-slums-karachi-again-leads-with-highest-number-of-covid-19-cases" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="line-height: 17.12px;">high number of cases</span></a><span style="line-height: 17.12px;"> from such areas, particularly Karachi’s informal settlements and slums, where residents have </span><a href="https://www.npr.org/sections/goatsandsoda/2020/04/06/827999804/social-distancing-is-a-distant-dream-in-pakistans-urban-slums" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="line-height: 17.12px;">spoken</span></a><span style="line-height: 17.12px;"> about the impossibility of social distancing owing to living arrangements. For lower-income groups, this vulnerability is further aggravated by a greater dependency on public services, where the exponential growth of the virus further encumbers the healthcare system and many poor households find themselves with </span><a href="https://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/features/pakistan-hospitals-struggle-coronavirus-cases-explode-200612084123797.html" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="line-height: 17.12px;">limited or no access to quality healthcare</span></a><span class="MsoHyperlink" style="color: blue; text-decoration-line: underline;"><span style="line-height: 17.12px;">. </span></span><span style="line-height: 17.12px;">For Pakistan, the </span><a href="https://www.npr.org/sections/goatsandsoda/2020/04/06/827999804/social-distancing-is-a-distant-dream-in-pakistans-urban-slums" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="line-height: 17.12px;">health risks magnify</span></a><span style="line-height: 17.12px;"> as a majority of the lower income population depends on public transport, where several people cram in one vehicle and following ‘standard operating procedures’ becomes impossible.</span><span style="line-height: 17.12px;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: inherit;"><span style="line-height: 17.12px;">Perhaps the greatest cause of vulnerability for lower-income households arises from their sources of income. Low-income workers are often employed in informal, vulnerable and non-permanent jobs. The Labor Force Survey 2017-18 reports that 72% of non-agricultural employment is in the informal sector in Pakistan. Workers in these sectors </span><a href="https://www.aa.com.tr/en/asia-pacific/millions-of-pakistani-laborers-struggle-amid-covid-19-lockdown/1824231" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="line-height: 17.12px;">are not covered</span></a><span style="line-height: 17.12px;"> by the state’s social and legal security and can be easily laid off. </span><a href="https://www.aa.com.tr/en/asia-pacific/millions-of-pakistani-laborers-struggle-amid-covid-19-lockdown/1824231" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="line-height: 17.12px;">Reports</span></a><span style="line-height: 17.12px;"> claim that massive layoffs are already occurring in Pakistan and, </span><a href="https://tribune.com.pk/story/2189904/2-coronavirus-forecast-render-18-5m-jobless/" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="line-height: 17.12px;">according</span></a><span style="line-height: 17.12px;"> to the Ministry of Planning and Development, estimates suggest up to 18 million Pakistanis could lose their jobs as a result of coronavirus shocks to the economy.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: inherit;"><span style="line-height: 17.12px;">These circumstances are not restricted to informal employment alone. According to the </span><a href="http://www.pbs.gov.pk/sites/default/files/Pakistan%20Employment%20Trend%20%20Reprt%202018%20Final.pdf" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="line-height: 17.12px;">Pakistan Bureau of Statistics</span></a><span style="line-height: 17.12px;">, 55% of the labor force across sectors is engaged in vulnerable employment. With declining demand, these workers are prone to job losses and unstable incomes. Restaurants and Hotels, a sector gravely impacted by Covid-19, has a vulnerable employment share of 48%. The Pakistan Tourism Development Corporation has </span><a href="https://www.thenews.com.pk/print/681354-ptdc-run-companies-closed-all-regular-employees-terminated" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="line-height: 17.12px;">recently fired</span></a><span style="line-height: 17.12px;"> all regular employees of three of its companies due to continual losses and the ongoing pandemic’s effects. Data from the Labor Force Survey 2017-18 shows that a majority of Pakistan’s labor force is employed in Skilled Agricultural & Fishery, Services and Sales, Elementary Occupations and Craft and Related trades. The same occupational groups are also the ones with the lowest average monthly wages, with the lowest recorded for Elementary Occupations. These jobs are </span><a href="http://www.pbs.gov.pk/sites/default/files/pslm/publications/pslm_microdata_2010_11_District/occupation%20code.pdf" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="line-height: 17.12px;">largely constituted</span></a><span style="line-height: 17.12px;"> of daily wage workers such as street vendors, domestic helpers, waiters, textile and garment workers, etc. who are unable to earn in case of a lockdown. Even without the lockdown, </span><a href="https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2020/03/pakistan-daily-wagers-struggle-survive-coronavirus-lockdown-200325115143152.html" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="line-height: 17.12px;">incomes continue to suffer</span></a><span style="line-height: 17.12px;"> due to the threat of contagion with most markets deserted and demand compromised. These workers also face greater health hazards due to the nature of their jobs and are more susceptible to contracting the virus.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: inherit;"><span style="line-height: 17.12px;">Commanding a greater vulnerability, Pakistan’s poor adjust consumption in significantly different ways that have serious consequences. Using expenditure data from the Household Integrated Economic Survey (HIES) 2015-16, we calculated that food constituted almost half of total expenditure for households belonging to the lowest percentile groups of income in Pakistan. Other major expenditure groups included imputed rent, clothing, electricity and fuel. The expenditure groups that faced an automatic decline in spending due to the virus, such as Restaurants and Hotels, Recreation and Culture and Transportation, constitute a minor proportion of the expenditures of lower-income households (between 2 to 4%). Thus, falls in income could mean these households adjust consumption with reductions in spending on food and other necessities, which has significant implications for their nutrition and long-term human capital development. In </span><a href="https://dhsprogram.com/pubs/pdf/SR257/SR257.pdf" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="line-height: 17.12px;"> Pakistan</span></a><span style="line-height: 17.12px;">, where already 38% of the children under five are stunted and 23% of all children are underweight, these ramifications will likely be worse.</span><span style="color: red; line-height: 17.12px;"></span><span style="line-height: 17.12px;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: inherit; line-height: 17.12px;">Policy Responses<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
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<span style="font-family: inherit;"><span style="line-height: 17.12px;">The government has attempted to redress this alarming situation with cash-transfers through the </span><a href="https://www.thenews.com.pk/print/676763-rs132-9b-disbursed-under-ehsaas-cash-programme" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="line-height: 17.12px;">Ehsaas program</span></a><span style="line-height: 17.12px;"> and income generation through paid ecosystem nourishment of the “</span><a href="https://www.thenews.com.pk/print/668947-pakistan-s-green-stimulus-creates-new-jobs" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="line-height: 17.12px;">Green Stimulus</span></a><span style="line-height: 17.12px;">” program. At the same time, several </span><a href="https://www.aa.com.tr/en/asia-pacific/pakistans-charities-assist-in-fight-against-coronavirus/1780046" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="line-height: 17.12px;">non-governmental organizations</span></a><span style="line-height: 17.12px;"> are also providing assistance to the vulnerable during the pandemic. However, an adequate response requires concerted efforts by the state beyond short-term relief mechanisms. Some </span><a href="https://blogs.worldbank.org/voices/covid-19-will-hit-poor-hardest-heres-what-we-can-do-about-it" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="line-height: 17.12px;">important factors</span></a><span style="line-height: 17.12px;"> to consider include the recognition of the need for substantial fiscal resources, timely delivery of support packages and cognizance of the new poor that are absent in existing programs. Moreover, an efficient and well-designed </span><a href="http://researchcollective.blogspot.com/2020/06/covid-19-and-limits-of-pakistans.html" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="line-height: 17.12px;">welfare system</span></a><span style="line-height: 17.12px;"> becomes crucial to mitigate the long-term impact of Covid-19. Unfortunately, such a creative effort seems missing from the recently announced Federal budget for 2020-21.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: inherit;"><span style="line-height: 17.12px;">As Pakistan falters in formulating a coherent and effective response to the virus, several Pakistanis go to bed hungry and several others struggle to receive healthcare while the debate on </span><a href="https://tribune.com.pk/story/2237712/1-covid-19-debate-lives-livelihoods/" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="line-height: 17.12px;">lives or livelihoods</span></a><span style="line-height: 17.12px;"> persists. However, an examination of the situation demonstrates that Covid-19 has serious effects </span><a href="https://www.dawn.com/news/1555465" style="color: #954f72;"><span style="line-height: 17.12px;">with and without the lockdown</span></a></span><span style="line-height: 17.12px;"><span style="font-family: inherit;">. A response that constructs a binary between lives and livelihoods is faulty. Life necessitates livelihoods and livelihoods sustain lives. An effective response to Covid-19 must address these in conjunction and not separately. The state needs to prepare for both short and long-term consequences of the virus and concentrate efforts on saving both lives and livelihoods, especially for its most vulnerable people that are, unfortunately, the ultimate losers in this pandemic.</span><span class="MsoHyperlink" style="color: blue; font-family: calibri; font-size: 12pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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Asiya Jawedhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/03575738007861014951noreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8032391584908972316.post-35601068808604095222020-06-10T16:40:00.001+05:002020-07-10T04:23:40.543+05:00On the Frontlines: The Strain on Healthcare ProvidersBy: <a href="http://www.researchcollective.org/researchers_info.php?cat=author&val=A_123">Komal Qidwai</a><br />
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<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj5fnP1Fr_PbFmjfaeKTga73ha45VJKRZC2t4TkAJI75IEtjZnAutkGPGjOEqZ-OZN28KEK1kcgZDRhyphenhyphenQWBjUqOx99NShBp5rp8TNpTUO10hcDDacrwBSEglSO3dg-EwOQ-3YJIKCQzfkg/s1600/EZnEDlOXkAYEMKM.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" data-original-height="768" data-original-width="1024" height="300" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj5fnP1Fr_PbFmjfaeKTga73ha45VJKRZC2t4TkAJI75IEtjZnAutkGPGjOEqZ-OZN28KEK1kcgZDRhyphenhyphenQWBjUqOx99NShBp5rp8TNpTUO10hcDDacrwBSEglSO3dg-EwOQ-3YJIKCQzfkg/s400/EZnEDlOXkAYEMKM.jpg" width="400" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">A Covid-19 Ward at Civil Hospital, Karachi. Photo Credit: <a href="https://twitter.com/SindhHealthDpt"><span class="css-901oao css-16my406 r-1qd0xha r-ad9z0x r-bcqeeo r-qvutc0"><span class="css-901oao css-16my406 r-1qd0xha r-ad9z0x r-bcqeeo r-qvutc0">Health and Population Welfare Department, Sindh</span></span></a></td></tr>
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As Pakistan’s Covid-19 tally rises above 100,000, hospitals across the country are <a href="https://www.dawn.com/news/1562323/hospitals-under-strain-as-covid-19-peak-approaches">running out of capacity</a> and the burden on frontline providers is growing. Through our interviews with experts and on-going tracking of news and social media content, we have identified some major areas of concern regarding the safety and rights of frontline healthcare providers. </div>
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Starting in May, a stream of <a href="https://nation.com.pk/02-Jun-2020/violence-against-health-workers-psychiatric-cases-on-the-rise">violent attacks</a> began against healthcare providers and facilities by angry relatives of patients. In two separate violent incidents in <a href="https://www.dawn.com/news/1557115">Karachi’s Jinnah Postgraduate Medical Centre</a> (JPMC) and <a href="https://www.dawn.com/news/1560400">Civil Hospital</a>, relatives of deceased coronavirus patients demanded the release of their dead bodies, with the mob in the latter facility denying that the deceased was Covid-19 positive. Both groups of attackers damaged the facilities, breaking the glass windows on counters and throwing around furniture. Family members of a deceased patient also stormed into the hospital’s isolation ward and hurled abuses at the staff before attacking <a href="https://www.samaa.tv/news/2020/05/jpmc-doctor-attacked-by-suspected-covid-19-patients-family-members/">and injuring a young doctor in JPMC</a>. In Peshawar’s Lady Reading Hospital, relatives of a 50-year-old corona patient <a href="https://www.thenews.com.pk/latest/664901-deceased-coronavirus-patients-relatives-vandalise-peshawars-lady-reading-hospital">broke down the door</a> to the Covid ward and brawled with the doctors when they were informed that she died. </div>
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One reason for people to attack healthcare facilities and demand the release of dead bodies is denial that the pandemic is real. Near the end of April, <a href="https://gallup.com.pk/">Gallup Pakistan</a> reported that <a href="https://i2.wp.com/gallup.com.pk/wp-content/uploads/2020/04/28APRIL.jpg?fit=1750%2C1750&ssl=1">over 3 in 5 Pakistanis</a> believe that the coronavirus threat is exaggerated. </div>
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As hospitals <a href="https://www.dawn.com/news/1562175/hospitals-running-out-of-beds-as-virus-cases-surge-past-100000">run out of beds</a>, ventilators and other equipment, frontline healthcare providers report high levels of stress. Even providers not directly dealing with Covid-19 cases are under strain and report constant anxiety. “Patients are being very rude and aggressive these days. Before the pandemic, incidences of aggression or violence happened rarely, but now it’s become a daily occurrence”, says senior gynecologist and obstetrician Dr Azra Ahsan. Providers are at risk of contracting the virus, as well as violence from angry family members of patients. </div>
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Over <a href="https://www.thenews.com.pk/print/666539-facing-covid-19-and-violence-simultaneously-healthcare-community-in-pakistan-has-lost-24-colleagues-so-far">2200 healthcare providers</a>—1240 of whom are doctors—have been infected with the coronavirus, and 24 providers have died, including 15 doctors. Frontline providers report that facilities are now short-staffed because so many doctors and staff members are falling ill.Doctors had <a href="https://www.dawn.com/news/1550099/doctors-demand-strict-enforcement-of-lockdown-in-sindh">warned that infection would spread</a> fast in the healthcare community due to shortages of personal protective equipment as well as lack of guidelines on its use. They complained that corona wards in hospitals were not disinfected properly. Healthcare providers also reported that <a href="https://www.dawn.com/news/1550099/doctors-demand-strict-enforcement-of-lockdown-in-sindh">private facilities were not providing their staff with PPE</a>, risking their safety and lives. Young doctors have had to turn to non-governmental organizations (NGOs) for protective equipment supplies. </div>
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Doctors in Sindh <a href="https://www.dawn.com/news/1550099/doctors-demand-strict-enforcement-of-lockdown-in-sindh">urged the government</a> to enforce stricter lockdown measures; pleading that people should stay at home and explaining that the situation in healthcare facilities was dire. </div>
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But government response has been mixed at best. In Quetta, the authorities refused healthcare providers’ demands for the provisions of PPE, and medical staff’s protests were met with police <a href="https://www.dawn.com/news/1546921">baton-charge and arrests</a>. In Sindh province, doctors <a href="https://tribune.com.pk/story/2189070/1-sindhs-doctors-decry-lack-safety-kits-hospitals/">protested to demand PPE provision</a> for all providers as early as the end of March, but to no avail. In Peshawar, <a href="https://arynews.tv/en/two-doctors-from-lady-reading-hospital-peshawar-resign-under-protest/">two doctors resigned</a> from Lady Reading Hospital in protest, claiming that the facility was not adequately equipped to deal with Covid-19 cases and healthcare providers were at risk. In Lahore, doctors of the <a href="https://www.pakistantoday.com.pk/2020/05/01/doctors-end-protest-successful-talks/">Grand Health Alliance held a sit-in</a> despite police threatening to charge against protestors. Over two weeks later, the government finally agreed to negotiate with the protestors, who were demanding PPE, regular screening of healthcare providers, and a risk allowance. </div>
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Doctors report the increasing number of staff falling ill combined with a lack of sufficient resources will now impact the quality of care being provided in healthcare facilities. Despite the worsening situation of healthcare facilities, the rising number of cases, and pleas of healthcare providers, the federal government is not <a href="https://www.dawn.com/news/1560439/ncc-meets-today-as-covid-19-situation-worsens">considering re-imposing the lockdown</a>. During <a href="https://www.dawn.com/news/1560439/ncc-meets-today-as-covid-19-situation-worsens">a recent press briefing</a> before a meeting of the Covid-19 National Coordination Committee, the federal Minister for Planning and Development, Asad Umar, remarked that the government would only impose a lockdown when the healthcare system gets overwhelmed. </div>
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Healthcare providers believe the <a href="https://www.dawn.com/news/1562403/mismanagement-galore-govt-inventory-says-beds-vents-aplenty-yet-covid-patients-scrambling-for-hospital-admission">system is already overwhelmed</a> when <a href="https://www.dawn.com/news/1562294/when-doctors-find-themselves-helpless">even a cannula is not available</a> for the treatment of a doctor sick with Covid-19. Families and colleagues of doctors in <a href="https://www.dawn.com/news/1554995">Karachi</a>, <a href="https://www.dawn.com/news/1562294/when-doctors-find-themselves-helpless">Lahore</a> and Multan have claimed that their loved ones have died from Covid-19 due to negligence of healthcare facilities and staff. The Special Assistant to the Prime Minister on Health, Dr Zafar Mirza, still claims only 30 percent of hospital resources dedicated to Covid-19 are being used. While the government has decided to <a href="https://www.dawn.com/news/1562328/govt-to-provide-1000-additional-beds-with-oxygen-facility">provide 1000 additional beds with oxygen facilities</a> in light of the burden on hospitals, there is no mention of the shortage of staff to provide care. </div>
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The strain on the healthcare system is not only impacting Covid-19 wards and patients but all other departments, including maternity units. Even in early May, Peshawar’s Lady Reading Hospital and Islamabad’s Pakistan Institute of Medical Sciences (PIMS) had to <a href="https://www.dawn.com/news/1555063/stories-from-the-frontlines-we-cannot-lockdown-hospital-wards-progressive-planning-is-the-way-to-go">close their maternity wards</a> due to the high number of infections among staff. Dr Nusrat Shah, a senior gynecologist at Civil Hospital in Karachi, reported they <a href="https://www.dawn.com/news/1551908/stay-at-home-if-not-for-yourselves-then-for-the-medics-on-the-frontlines-plead-female-doctors">regularly received pregnant patients</a> seriously ill with Covid-19. Despite these warnings, the government started to <a href="https://www.dawn.com/news/1556362">ease the lockdown</a> in early May. </div>
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As the situation worsens, we can expect reproductive healthcare services will become more severely affected due to the strain on healthcare providers.Pakistan’s curve shows no signs of flattening; the government and the families would do well to remember that healthcare providers are risking their lives to provide services to their patients.<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"></span>
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<![endif]-->Unknownnoreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8032391584908972316.post-65879315324260520092020-06-08T23:49:00.000+05:002020-06-08T23:49:00.102+05:00Covid-19 and the Limits of Pakistan's Fractured Welfare System<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
By: Kabeer Dawani and Rehan Rafay Jamil</div>
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<br /></div>
<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgvZnbg3wbLkPglncVi5pg0cgEm5xlQWHyvEJL6389ly2g4hvWEedzxrkpXmROzLRFWPr98YP_KtjRA_sTFbG_aJlk-91MX_BOaN2HrJi2dx6ODUfT2mKA4sKsg2ykPhEN1RPNHozrtsgy4/s1600/Blog+pic.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" data-original-height="772" data-original-width="612" height="400" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgvZnbg3wbLkPglncVi5pg0cgEm5xlQWHyvEJL6389ly2g4hvWEedzxrkpXmROzLRFWPr98YP_KtjRA_sTFbG_aJlk-91MX_BOaN2HrJi2dx6ODUfT2mKA4sKsg2ykPhEN1RPNHozrtsgy4/s400/Blog+pic.jpg" width="315" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">A beneficiary of the Benazir Income Support Programme receiving her quarterly disbursement. Photo Credit: Rehan Jamil</td></tr>
</tbody></table>
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<br />Poverty in Pakistan may more than double, from 23% to 57%, as a result of
the Covid-19 shock, <a href="https://www.pide.org.pk/pdf/PIDE-COVID-Bulletin.pdf" target="_blank">according
to one estimate</a> from the Pakistan Institute of Development Economics.
This is a dire picture and has the potential to undo much of the progress in
poverty reduction that has occurred in Pakistan, particularly over the past two
decades, unless urgent action is taken by the federal government.</div>
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<o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
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The lockdown versus livelihoods
false binary that has been the primary focus of much public discussion in
Pakistan has missed the larger and more urgent picture. The virus is here to
stay, at least for a year and probably longer until a vaccine is developed,
which means that neither is a prolonged lockdown sustainable and nor will the
economy return to the levels it was at before. In fact, with the impending
forecast for a global recession, Pakistan’s already slowing economy is likely to
contract — the <a href="https://www.dawn.com/news/1549328">IMF forecasts</a> that
the economy will shrink by 1.5%.<o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
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Unfortunately, Pakistan’s poorest
citizens will suffer most in the imminent downturn. This means that our
government needs to take urgent measures to protect the livelihoods of the most
vulnerable citizens. Daily wage earners, migrants, and informal sector workers
must be at the centre of the design of more expansive social safety nets.<o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
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In this essay, we note the
shortcomings of Pakistan's existing welfare system in light of the pandemic. We
also highlight the need for expanding Pakistan’s social safety nets in a
systemic way, while learning lessons from past experiences with various
programmes and what has been done in other similar countries.<o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
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<b>BISP and Ehsaas Emergency Cash
transfers<o:p></o:p></b></div>
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<b><br /></b></div>
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The Benazir Income Support
Programme (BISP), Pakistan’s largest federally funded social safety net, has
been at the centre of the federal government’s response to Covid-19. From the
programme’s existing 4 million beneficiaries, the Ehsaas Emergency Cash
transfers has extended one-time cash disbursement of Rs12,000 to an additional
8 million households. These emergency cash transfers are the biggest in
Pakistan’s history and were made possible because the country has developed a
nationwide cash transfer delivery system under BISP including the use of
digital technology. While this is a very positive first step, these one-time
cash transfers must be the start of a more long-term approach to social
welfare, which also reaches segments of the population that do not have mobile
and internet access or national identity cards. Technology can aid public
outreach, but is no substitute for investments in capacity at the local level.<o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
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The BISP cash transfer programme
was a significant milestone in establishing Pakistan’s limited welfare
architecture. The scale of the programme has been an important step to redefine
the social contract enshrined in the Constitution which calls for the state to
protect its citizens from risks. There are many lessons to be learned about how
BISP became Pakistan’s largest safety net, adopted by three successive elected
governments since its establishment in 2008. Perhaps one of the most important
lessons was that targeting needs to be well-designed: BISP developed a poverty
registry known as the National Socio-Economic Registry (NSER) from which
beneficiaries were selected based on welfare indicators known as a proxy means
test (PMT). BISP has also undergone rigorous <a href="https://www.opml.co.uk/projects/evaluating-benazir-income-support-programme" target="_blank">third-party evaluations</a>; there is already some evidence
that shows the programme has had impact on nutrition and increasing consumption
for some of Pakistan’s poorest households. The programme’s exclusive targeting
of women has also been a <a href="https://www.epw.in/journal/2011/28/special-articles/social-protection-pakistan-midst-paradigm-shift.html" target="_blank">'paradigm shift'</a> in addressing the social rights of
Pakistan poorest female citizens, millions of whom have received social welfare
for the first time in their lives.<o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
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However, the Covid-19 pandemic
also exposes the limits of Pakistan’s existing welfare architecture. While the
government has previously focused on excluding those who it classifies as
ineligible for BISP, there is now an equal need to focus on 'errors of
exclusion'. In other words, there is a need to reach out to those citizens who
should be in the safety net but are excluded for some reason, such as those
without mobile phones or national identity cards. The urban poor and migrant
workers who come to Pakistan’s cities to seek casual employment are likely
suffering the heaviest brunt of the lockdown and slower economic activity, but
will largely be unable to access any welfare scheme. Already, a <a href="http://simonrquinn.com/MicrofinanceCOVID.pdf" target="_blank">survey
conducted in April 2020</a> by Dr Farah Said and her co-authors found that
for small-business owners in Punjab and Sindh, household income had fallen by
90%.<o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
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While the expansion of BISP and
the additional one-time emergency cash transfers under Ehsaas are an admirable
step, given the grim circumstances, these measures in and of themselves will
not be sufficient for the aforementioned reasons. There is an urgent need to
think more ambitiously about systemic approaches to expanding social safety
nets given the pervasive effects of this shock. Importantly, Pakistan must move
beyond the standard announcement of ad hoc 'relief packages', which are
frequently given to rent-seeking industrialists and business interests, or
relying on small donor funded pilots that end when funding dries out.<o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
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<b>Expanding Welfare Provision
Beyond Cash Transfers<o:p></o:p></b></div>
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<b><br /></b></div>
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Ensuring food security and
employment for the poorest citizens must be the federal government’s urgent
priority in the coming months and years. This is no small task and requires
careful planning, new and creative ways of targeting those who are outside the
safety net, and an unprecedented fiscal commitment to social welfare expansion.
International experiences have shown that public works programmes, where the
state employs people for various projects, and food distribution programmes,
such as providing meals to school children, have been immensely successful in
expanding welfare nets. Out of the box thinking is needed to come up with
suitable long-term programmes for Pakistan’s context.<o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
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In neighbouring India, the
foundation of a rights-based welfare system was put in place after 2005, which
could play a vital role in addressing the devastating impacts of Covid-19
there. Two key components of India's welfare system are the constitutional
guarantees of right to food and the right to work. To make these social
entitlements actionable, two programmes were established: a minimum guarantee
of food through a nationwide food distribution network known as the Public
Distribution System (PDS), and the National Employment Guarantee Act (NREGA),
which guarantees a hundred days of employment to India’s poorest citizens.
Activists and leading economists in India are now calling for their government
to expand the PDS food allocations and the number of days of work provided by
NREGA to give relief to India’s vulnerable daily wage and migrant workers. In
Bangladesh, a similar public works programme provides employment to seasonal
agricultural workers during the lean season for rice growing in October-
November when there is a dearth of rural employment and concerns about poor
families’ ability purchase food supplies.<o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
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In Pakistan, despite the
successful implementation of a national cash transfer programme, there is no
equivalent public works programme to ensure that those who have lost their
livelihoods can obtain critical employment in the difficult days ahead. There
was briefly an experimentation with the Peoples Work Programme (PPP) in the
1970s, however, lack of proper oversight and poor design resulted in a largely
unsuccessful programme that was subsequently disbanded. Past experience with
social welfare programmes, such as Zakat and Bait-ul-Maal, also shows that
poorly designed programmes can divert social transfers away from their most
deserving recipients.<o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
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Similarly, with regards to food
distribution, Pakistan lacks a national system for food distribution, despite
large government procurement of wheat and subsidies for agriculture. The public
utility stores, which are also heavily subsidised by the federal government, do
not benefit Pakistan's poorest citizens. The more recent Ehsaas-Langar
programme simply does not have the outreach to effectively address the scale of
malnutrition and hunger prevalent in many parts of Pakistan, which is likely to
exacerbate by the impact of the Covid-19 outbreak. According to the <a href="https://dhsprogram.com/pubs/pdf/SR257/SR257.pdf" target="_blank">Demographic
and Health Survey 2017-18</a>, nearly two in five children are stunted in
Pakistan, whereas <a href="http://researchcollective.org/Documents/FPV_Large%20surveys%20&%20small%20voices_PAK.pdf" target="_blank">research by Haris Gazdar and Ayesha Mysorewala</a> suggests
that 30% of the population experiences hunger.<o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
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In numerous countries, public
schools provide mid-day meals to students, making the public school an
important component of the welfare system. A similar programme in Pakistan
could ensure public-school going children receive a simple but nutritious meal.
There are many examples of countries of similar income levels to Pakistan that
have developed such programmes, which indicates that it is possible if the
political will exists to change Pakistan’s spending priorities and expand the
country's social safety nets.<o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
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<b>Coordinating Federal and
Provincial Welfare Responses<o:p></o:p></b></div>
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Since the passing of the landmark
18th amendment, a substantial portion of social welfare provision, including
healthcare and education, has been devolved to the provinces. As a result,
there has been an expansion in provincial social welfare programmes reflecting
regional priorities. The government of Punjab has run a girls’ education
stipend programme to improve enrollment levels for female students, Sindh has
extended microcredit to poor women and is in the process of developing a social
registry to address hunger and malnutrition prevalent in the province. At the
same time, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa has expanded health insurance to its poorest
citizens. These examples of provincial social welfare are important, but also
underline the fact that the provinces simply do not have the resources or
existing programmes in place to address the challenges for welfare provision
that Covid-19 has created.<o:p></o:p></div>
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The concerns about insufficient
federal government support to the provinces in responding to the outbreak were
echoed in a recent session of the National Assembly by a cross-section of parliamentarians,
and these concerns need to be taken seriously by the country's policy makers.
Covid-19 provides an important opportunity for Pakistan to expand and
consolidate its fractured welfare system. Numerous governments in Pakistan have
expressed the desire to build a welfare state, but those rhetorical appeals
seem hollow unless supported by concrete steps to expand the scope of
Pakistan’s limited existing safety nets. The Covid-19 pandemic has resulted in
a complex public health, economic and social crisis that requires our
policymakers to act decisively and build consensus to develop well-designed
programmes that complement rather than compete with the existing welfare
programmes at both the federal and provincial levels.<o:p></o:p></div>
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The BISP, which was also established
amidst a global financial crisis, has been an important experience for Pakistan
in building a credible national social safety net. It is now time to build on
the lessons of BISP and think about additional long-term programmes that will
address the pressing health, employment and hunger concerns for Pakistan’s
poorest citizens. Evidence from across the globe shows that well-designed
social safety nets not only play a critical role in reducing poverty, but also
help strengthen fractured national solidarities and citizenship in new
democracies where the social contract between the state and citizens has been
weak. The costs of ignoring current welfare challenges will be devastating for
Pakistan’s most marginalised citizens unless new and ambitious public policy
measures are taken.<o:p></o:p></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;"><i>This essay was first published on <a href="https://www.dawn.com/news/1559124/rethinking-pakistans-welfare-systems-after-covid-19">Dawn.com</a> on 23rd May 2020 and is reproduced here with the authors' permission.</i></span>Collective for Social Science Researchhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14396059336103215399noreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8032391584908972316.post-88012002178645581202020-05-14T17:42:00.000+05:002020-05-14T17:50:34.337+05:00Economic Dynamics and Resource Envelopes <div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;">
By: <a href="http://www.researchcollective.org/researchers_info2.php?val=A_002" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Asad Sayeed</a></div>
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiZGiLNSIzL6RMdm4so2yyqyJYHpwZJPiDffp3TexBjIssl7Q0EwNJIKD5cfgIH8Vw20d85jmfoqLZkY_L8E6-_atC602_tPxyUAcSlowqN4yKJsCOuwGtf8cptrkBQ_BBGY8VP9q4eUw0/s1600/lock+down1+%25281%2529.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="852" data-original-width="1280" height="424" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiZGiLNSIzL6RMdm4so2yyqyJYHpwZJPiDffp3TexBjIssl7Q0EwNJIKD5cfgIH8Vw20d85jmfoqLZkY_L8E6-_atC602_tPxyUAcSlowqN4yKJsCOuwGtf8cptrkBQ_BBGY8VP9q4eUw0/s640/lock+down1+%25281%2529.jpg" width="640" /></a></div>
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Karachi amidst lockdown. Photo credit: <a href="https://www.facebook.com/Wasim-Gazdar-Photography-306275736865127/" target="_blank">Wasim Gazdar</a></div>
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Like many other countries, Pakistan continues to debate the trade-off between lives and livelihoods in the midst of the Covid-19 pandemic. Much of this debate, it appears, has had two distinguishing features in Pakistan; (i) that it is static – in the sense that it views immediate losses in comparison to immediate gains in terms of lives and livelihoods, rather than its impact over clearly defined short and medium terms; and (ii) that a muddled narrative is being put out by different stakeholders – the federal and provincial governments, other state agencies, doctors, big business and small traders. That competing interests will pull in different directions is routine but when the political leadership is unable to aggregate this diversity and put forth a coherent perspective in an emergency, it inevitably leads to confusion amongst the public at large and fragmentation at the policy level.</div>
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Part of this confusion is also reflected in determining the fiscal response to the pandemic. Granted that it is an evolving situation but some determination of size of the resource envelope that can be brought to bear for ramping up the health infrastructure, the provision of social protection and saving small businesses during the pandemic will help different tiers of government to calibrate their responses in a more focused manner. It will also reduce uncertainty in markets and the public at large. Transparency will not hurt in an emergency. It can only help.</div>
<div style="background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; font-family: Cambria; margin-bottom: 1rem;">
<span style="box-sizing: border-box; font-weight: bolder;">Dynamic Thinking on the Economy</span></div>
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From what we know about epidemics in general and Covid-19 in particular, flattening the curve of the disease requires slowing down the economy. Bringing down the rate of spread (known as R naught in epidemiological lingo) through a lockdown at one or several points in time will impact the economy differently. Therefore, the relevant metric to assess the economic impact in this situation should not be the here and now but an annualized cycle (short-term) and the medium-term future period, say the next 2-4 years.</div>
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Historical analysis of the Spanish Flu of 1918 as well as preliminary modelling on the Covid-19 pandemic done by Yale University demonstrates that initial lockdowns reduce the spread of the disease and ease medium-term pressures on labour supply and aggregate demand through reduced rates of fatality and morbidity. By not implementing a lockdown until the R naught declines (or the curve of Covid-19 positive cases starts declining) we will be trading off livelihoods in the immediate term with more cycles of the pandemic in the future. We will thus have more cycles of shortages in labour supply – because of higher rates of death, morbidity, and caregiving for those who are sick – as well as disruptions in supply chains and aggregate demand in the short and medium future. Strict initial lockdowns can result in a V shaped recovery in terms of economic growth, whereas a more ambivalent response will mean the recovery will be U shaped and if the virus is allowed to run riot, then we are staring down an L shaped economic outcome over the next four to five years. Choices made along this spectrum now will determine economic outcomes in the short to medium term future.</div>
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It goes without saying that lockdowns hit those without a secure means of livelihood (casual and daily wage workers as well as those in small businesses) the hardest. Lockdowns will also collapse if supply chains for essentials are not kept functional. Thankfully so far, the supply chains have by and large worked relatively smoothly throughout the country. The matter of social protection, however, has left a lot to be desired. The Federal Government is in the process of disbursing Rs. 144 billion amongst 10 million plus women who have been on the BISP register through the Ehsaas Program. While there may be some overlap between those who have specifically lost livelihoods because of the lockdown, these lists are predominantly rural and the pandemic spread so far is mainly in the urban, metropolitan areas. This misspecification in targeting is being addressed now through a separate scheme, losing precious time, which in turn has impacted the legitimacy of lockdowns.</div>
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A muddled narrative on the lockdown as well as delay in rolling out appropriate social protection support has given currency to the notion of ‘smart lockdowns.’ These models are based on the observation that both the administrative capacity and legitimacy of a full lockdown is limited and the short-term cost of a full lockdown is too high in terms of livelihoods. Therefore, after widespread testing, there should be a ‘smart’ lockdown of those geographical ‘hotspots’ where there are more Covid-19 cases, while keeping other areas open. This method is premised on proactive (rather than the currently prevalent reactive) testing. This begs the question about the fiscal and administrative capacity to test proactively and to do it fast enough and its data processed swiftly so that a smart lockdown can be implemented. As a result, even after a fortnight of the mantra of smart lockdowns being peddled, it is yet to begin at any level.</div>
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<span style="box-sizing: border-box; font-weight: bolder;">The Resource Envelope</span></div>
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Much of the confusion regarding the policy on lockdowns is underpinned by an implicit notion that the State lack resources to provide adequate protection to the poor and simultaneously ramp up the health infrastructure. But how limited is the resource envelope? This debate has not happened yet in Pakistan. Knowledgeable commentators have put estimates in the range of 2.5 to 5% of GDP. Whether it is within this limit or can be more is essentially a function of the subjective assessment of the political leadership on their perception of the pandemic. Another way to think about the resource envelope the nation is willing to roll out is to juxtapose the situation with a war with a visible enemy.</div>
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The Covid-19 pandemic has altered the contours of Pakistan’s fiscal space on both sides of the ledger. On the one hand, fiscal space has been created because of aid from donors – the IMF, World Bank, Asian Development Bank, debt deferment from the G-20 – and from a significant reduction in international oil prices and savings on interest payments because of the decline in interest rates. On the other hand, the lockdown has reduced tax revenues (both FBR and provincial revenues). Pakistan’s exports have taken a hit because of the global nature of the pandemic and remittances from overseas Pakistanis are expected to reduce also. Whether or not both sides balance each other out is, however, just one element of fiscal space. The government has room to reallocate resources from the existing allocations, mainly from PSDP expenditures and the defence budget. The federal government also has ample room to borrow domestically and if push comes to shove, the central bank can enhance money supply, even though that will be inflationary. To put it simply, the federal government’s fiscal space has a fair degree of elasticity.</div>
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The other issue regarding the resource envelope is distribution of resources across the federal government and the federating units. Because of their constitutional mandate, the bulk of the health expenditure is being borne by the provincial governments. They are also incurring a cost in administering the lockdown and where possible providing social protection as well. They are, however, in a fiscal bind. Because of the reduction in FBR revenues, the provinces will take a hit on their share of divisible pool taxes and their ‘own source’ revenues will also decline because of the lockdown. Additionally, the borrowing capacity of provinces is close to naught.</div>
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In this situation, it is the federal government that has a two-fold responsibility. One, to determine the fiscal space that is available and second, to create mechanisms for the provinces to overcome their resource constraints. Will the federal government provide grants to provincial governments, create a special zero interest rate credit line for them through the central bank or deduct it from future shares of their divisible pool allocations? These are important questions that need discussion and resolution. Fortunately, Pakistan’s constitutional architecture allows for these matters to be resolved. The National Economic Council, the Council of Common Interests and the National Finance Commission are forums where these issues can be debated and resolved amicably. As the pandemic peaks and the annual budget season is on the anvil, these matters have to be brought on the front burner.</div>
<i style="background-color: white; font-family: Times, "Times New Roman", serif; text-align: justify;">This article first appeared in the </i><i><a href="https://jinnah-institute.org/feature/lockdown-paradox-3/" target="_blank">Jinnah Institute’s ‘Lockdown Paradox’ series</a></i><span class="MsoHyperlink" style="background-color: white; font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; text-align: justify;"><i> </i></span><i style="background-color: white; font-family: Times, "Times New Roman", serif; text-align: justify;">on 6th May 2020 and is republished here with the author’s consent.</i><br />
<br />Asiya Jawedhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/03575738007861014951noreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8032391584908972316.post-88516175803837150142020-05-02T22:22:00.000+05:002020-05-02T22:22:08.754+05:00Coronavirus Lockdown: Should We Prioritize Lives or Livelihoods? By: <a href="http://researchcollective.org/researchers_info.php?cat=author&val=A_001">Haris Gazdar</a><br />
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<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjLMCxS8YSdVqRGyYrqxlUy0qv6DuIKE9urlNZrjnPczI6gamQj7COTlO1dFMFP3s_ST5Px46qjQeg8llZROzDFEPdsqRj6ICVJnyuu4pbTRiwpnsXUHYOH3LiObfb4ur-SAndwGUm6hvBE/s1600/90168093_670550930437604_8707593752195104768_o.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" data-original-height="852" data-original-width="1280" height="426" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjLMCxS8YSdVqRGyYrqxlUy0qv6DuIKE9urlNZrjnPczI6gamQj7COTlO1dFMFP3s_ST5Px46qjQeg8llZROzDFEPdsqRj6ICVJnyuu4pbTRiwpnsXUHYOH3LiObfb4ur-SAndwGUm6hvBE/s640/90168093_670550930437604_8707593752195104768_o.jpg" width="640" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">An empty street in Karachi during the lockdown. Photo Credit: <a href="https://www.facebook.com/Wasim-Gazdar-Photography-306275736865127/">Wasim Gazdar</a><br /><br /><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; margin-bottom: 12.0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">Is there a trade-off between saving lives and saving livelihoods?
Individuals make decisions about this more often than they might notice.
There are too many hazardous occupations to list: mining, security services,
bomb disposal, firefighting, sanitation work, waste disposal, high rise
construction jobs, and so many more. But also there are multiple health hazards
in occupations otherwise deemed not to be hazardous – street workers’ exposure
to traffic fumes, agricultural workers’ exposure to chemicals etc.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; margin-bottom: 12.0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">These are hard choices for the most part. We try to reduce hazard (health
and safety regulations for example) but also, ultimately, leave it as a matter
of individual choice. A person, supposedly, decides for herself or
himself if a risk is worth taking. There are many flaws in this construction of
choice, but also enough in it for most of us to sleep easy, while people put
themselves at risk doing jobs that need to be done for our safety or comfort.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; margin-bottom: 12.0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">What happens when some new source of risk emerges? Such as COVID-19? Our
collective choice will determine whether this becomes one additional source of
ill-health and death that individuals will have to face, or not. Do we accept
it, as we accepted rising levels of air pollution, or traffic accidents – as a
fact of life? Or do we say, as we did with respect to terrorism, that this new
source of threat is not acceptable, that we will make all efforts to stop it
becoming a norm? As a society we have the capacity for both fatalism and
activism in good measure. Which do we choose to deploy now?<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">There are around 1.5 million deaths in Pakistan every year. Not all of
them are what are defined as ‘premature’ deaths. COVID19 is a highly contagious
disease. It has, to date, affected over 14,000 people in Pakistan, of whom 292
have died. The rate of fatality has risen from 1.4% to over 2% in just
the last two weeks. Even if just a tenth of our population gets infected, at
the current rate of fatality we can expect around half a million deaths. An
infection rate of a third would lead to a doubling of the total number of
deaths compared to a normal year. If actual fatality rates are much lower, as
some have suggested, the number of deaths might be as ‘low’ as 40,000. For
context – road accidents claim around 40,000 lives while air pollution causes
135,000 deaths in a year. The total death toll in the ‘war on terror’ was
estimated to be around 30,000.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; margin-bottom: 12.0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">For communities and countries, the analysis of a trade-off between saving
lives and saving livelihoods is even more complex than it is for individuals.
For individuals, we can and do take shelter behind the manufactured assumption
of people being free to make their own choices. But for a community or a
country, the choice involves saving Person A’s life over Person B’s livelihood
or vice versa. Because there is no simple technical way of resolving this
problem, it makes sense to pay attention to collective choices already made.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; margin-bottom: 12.0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">Why did we choose to draw a line under terrorism even though it was a
smaller source of death than air pollution or road accidents? Was it because it
arrived suddenly rather than slowly and incrementally? Was it because it
threatened, if not stopped, to escalate exponentially? Was it because there was
a global consensus that supported our effort? Was it because it threatened to
overturn our existing order, and make us a global pariah? We made our collective
choices on the basis of who we thought we were, on the basis, yes, of political
considerations, but anchored in values. And once we had decided to combat
terrorism, how did we frame the issue of its economic impact? Did we debate the
‘economic cost’ of eradicating terrorism, or did we belt up and create a
narrative about the cost that terrorism was imposing on our economy?<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; margin-bottom: 12.0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">Understanding the epidemiology of COVID-19 is science in the
making. That in itself would be reason enough to follow validated global
practices to slow the disease down, so that our mental and organisational
capacities gain time to catch up. We know more now than we did two weeks
ago, and will undoubtedly have learned more in the coming two weeks. The same
goes for any analysis of the economic impact of the disease as well as measures
for its containment. What happens to our economy depends not only on the
morbidity and mortality faced by our people, but also on the measures that we
as well as our trading, aiding and ‘remittance’ partners take. In uncertainty
of this magnitude – with possible estimates of deaths ranging from 40,000 to
over a million – it is not surprising that there are diverse perspectives on
the trade-off between saving lives and saving livelihoods.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; margin-bottom: 12.0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">The question we have to ask ourselves is the following: how low would the
probability of a million additional deaths have to be for us NOT to put almost
everything we had into containing that number? This cannot be answered only
through analytics. It is about who we believe we are, as individuals and as a
collectivity. How we respond will then shape what we become.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; margin-bottom: 12.0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: small;"><i>This article first appeared in the </i><a href="https://jinnah-institute.org/feature/analytics-or-values/" target="_blank"><i>Jinnah
Institute’s ‘Lockdown Paradox’ series</i></a><span class="MsoHyperlink"><i> </i></span><i>on 25<sup>th</sup> April 2020 and is republished here with the author’s
consent.</i></span></div>
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<br />Collective for Social Science Researchhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14396059336103215399noreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8032391584908972316.post-77898306934030058642020-04-29T12:47:00.000+05:002020-05-01T17:25:55.553+05:00Covid-19 Impact on Sexual and Reproductive Health in Pakistan<span style="font-size: large;">By: <a href="http://www.researchcollective.org/researchers_info.php?cat=author&val=A_123">Komal Qidwai</a> </span><br />
<br />
<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><span style="font-size: small;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiKqW0HoT_GBDBi5UtI9YAjJ2tOL0Sz2r-YWFCXGHEM9OymU_IBdW6S37TpzJlDwCs872IrH2hEjzQGzv_St2_kDj1vo89oQA2OTOjWd924uxl1FUdyLRl67symIhzs1u1suxbZUyjzlCk/s1600/Skyline+View+of+Khi+During+Lockdown.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" data-original-height="231" data-original-width="638" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiKqW0HoT_GBDBi5UtI9YAjJ2tOL0Sz2r-YWFCXGHEM9OymU_IBdW6S37TpzJlDwCs872IrH2hEjzQGzv_St2_kDj1vo89oQA2OTOjWd924uxl1FUdyLRl67symIhzs1u1suxbZUyjzlCk/s1600/Skyline+View+of+Khi+During+Lockdown.jpg" /></a></span></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><span style="font-size: small;">Skyline View of Karachi after Covid-19 Lockdown </span><br />
<span style="font-size: small;">Source: <a href="https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:Skyline_view_in_Karachi_after_lockdown.jpg">Wikimedia Commons</a></span></td><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><span style="font-size: small;"><br /></span></td><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><span style="font-size: small;"><br /></span></td></tr>
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<span style="font-size: large;"><span style="font-family: inherit;">The
Covid-19 pandemic in Pakistan is <a href="https://www.geo.tv/latest/284306-fm-qureshi-says-coronavirus-will-hit-its-peak-in-may-and-june">yet to peak</a>, with over <a href="http://covid.gov.pk/stats/pakistan">thirteen thousand</a> recorded cases
already and no indications that we are flattening the curve yet. Combined with
the country’s abysmal health and <a href="http://hdr.undp.org/en/countries/profiles/PAK">gender indicators</a> and a fragile
healthcare system, this pandemic will exacerbate barriers to sexual and
reproductive health and rights (SRHR) for women and girls. This blog discusses
emerging areas of concern and points to some opportunities that practitioners
and advocates may wish to pay attention to in the months ahead.</span></span><br />
<br />
<span style="font-size: large;"><span style="font-family: inherit;">Even
before the current crisis, access to quality and affordable reproductive
healthcare in Pakistan was beyond the reach of many women. Table 1 provides
data from the 2018 Pakistan Demographic and Health Survey (PDHS), proof that our
key indicators of SRH are far from acceptable.</span></span><br />
<br />
<span style="font-size: large;"><span style="font-family: inherit;">Only
51 per cent of women had at least four ANC visits for their most recent birth
in the five years before the survey, even though <a href="https://apps.who.int/iris/bitstream/handle/10665/250796/9789241549912-eng.pdf;jsessionid=3C277FC800AF34331FAE7B2C76C35E3C?sequence=1">WHO recommends</a> a minimum of
four. Despite an increase in number of women delivering in health facilities, a
significant percentage still have home births in the absence of skilled
healthcare providers. The percentage of married women who use contraception is
also deplorably low compared to 56 per cent in <a href="http://www.familyplanning2020.org/bangladesh">Bangladesh</a>.</span></span><br />
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoCommentText" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
<span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: inherit;"><b>Table 1.</b></span></span></div>
<table border="1" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="MsoTableGrid" style="border-collapse: collapse; border: none; mso-border-alt: solid black .5pt; mso-border-themecolor: text1; mso-padding-alt: 0cm 5.4pt 0cm 5.4pt; mso-yfti-tbllook: 1184;"><tbody>
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<span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: inherit;"><b>Maternal Mortality Ratio<sup>a</sup></b></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: inherit;">276/ 100,000
live births</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: inherit;"><b>% of women having at least 4 antenatal visits<sup>b</sup></b></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: inherit;">51.4</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: inherit;"><b>% of women who delivered in a health facility<sup>b</sup></b></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: inherit;">66.2</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: inherit;"><b>% of currently married women using any contraception<sup>b</sup></b></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: inherit;">34.2</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: inherit;"><b>% of women who experience physical violence by
spouse<sup>b</sup></b></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: inherit;">23.0</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: inherit;">Source:
a. <a href="https://dhsprogram.com/pubs/pdf/FR200/FR200.pdf">PDHS 2006-7</a>, b. <a href="https://www.nips.org.pk/abstract_files/PDHS%20-%202017-18%20Key%20indicator%20Report%20Aug%202018.pdf">PDHS 2017-18</a></span></span><br />
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<![endif]--><span style="font-size: large;"><span style="font-family: inherit;">Lockdown
measures are likely to worsen these indicators for women and girls. Early
reports indicate a sharp <a href="https://www.thenews.com.pk/print/637936-mental-health-professionals-report-rise-in-domestic-abuse-cases">rise in domestic
violence</a>
already.</span></span><br />
<br />
<span style="font-size: large;"><span style="font-family: inherit;">As the pandemic unfolds in Pakistan, it is burdening
an already over-stretched public health system. Our tracking of news and
conversations with health-care providers reveal that new urgent areas of
concern have emerged even before ICUs have become full of Covid-19 patients.
Patients with non-communicable diseases are being <a href="https://www.dawn.com/news/1551153/amid-covid-19-challenge-other-patients-left-in-the-lurch">denied
admission</a> in private hospitals due to a fear of infection.</span></span><br />
<br />
<span style="font-size: large;"><span style="font-family: inherit;">Doctors
and healthcare professionals treating coronavirus patients do not have access to
adequate personal protective equipment, and are <a href="https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-52243901">beaten by
police</a> when they protest. Meanwhile, <a href="https://www.thenews.com.pk/latest/630567-opds-at-large-public-hospitals-closed-for-15-days-in-sindh">outpatient
services were suspended</a> in all major hospitals in Sindh, such as Civil
Hospital Karachi, Jinnah Postgraduate Medical Center (JPMC), National Institute
of Child Health, as well as Sindh government hospitals and district health
facilities from March 18 onwards. After April 2, outpatient services were <a href="https://tribune.com.pk/story/2189114/1-hospitals-still-treating-need-urgent-care-opds-partially-open/">partially
reopened</a>, with JPMC and Civil Hospital reporting a drastic reduction
in number of patients.</span></span><br />
<br />
<span style="font-size: large;"><span style="font-family: inherit;">The impact on the healthcare system is affecting the
availability of sexual and reproductive health services. Gynaecologists and
obstetricians with private practices in Karachi report that they are following
international guidelines on Covid-19 and have limited antenatal appointments
and instructed patients to visit only if absolutely necessary. “Pregnant women
are very anxious because of this situation as they are unable to have their
regular, scheduled appointments. Those with high-risk pregnancies are
particularly anxious,” says obstetrician Dr. Sadia Pal. Patients share test
results with doctors on WhatsApp, and consultations are carried out on the phone
or via Zoom and Skype.</span></span><br />
<br />
<span style="font-size: large;"><span style="font-family: inherit;">With an increased need for telemedicine, helplines have
been set up, such as one by the Pakistan Medical Association for phone
consultations. While emergency obstetric services are still operating, many
patients may not be able to reach healthcare facilities in time due to <a href="https://arynews.tv/en/sindh-government-offices-inter-city-public-transport-closure/">closure
of public transport</a>. Doctors are also aware of <a href="https://www.rcog.org.uk/en/guidelines-research-services/guidelines/coronavirus-pregnancy/covid-19-virus-infection-and-pregnancy/">guidelines</a>
for pregnant women infected with coronavirus, and Punjab’s health
department has <a href="https://www.geo.tv/latest/281384-coronavirus-updates-april-7-latest-news-on-the-covid-19-pandemic-from-pakistan-and-around-the-world">exclusively
allocated Ganga Ram Hospital</a> in Lahore for the treatment
of infected pregnant women.</span></span><br />
<br />
<span style="font-size: large;"><span style="font-family: inherit;">Pakistan’s <a href="https://www.nih.org.pk/wp-content/uploads/2020/03/COVID-19-NAP-V2-13-March-2020.pdf?__cf_chl_jschl_tk__=e6a9d90da8ee4fc4a5e6374eb4924cb40f29c17d-1587218887-0-ARw42uNoDQnORHUnU0KjNVyqAKtLUHN9NVbXvg5BnIirQwEeGiDpeqkGDvzxG6t06eb0d1GgDr8D_NKrrMgPb8eDu2WvZBHkjI">National
Action Plan</a> for Covid-19 does not include any guidelines for
managing SRHR during the pandemic. Sindh’s provincial government, however, has
prepared guidelines on managing family planning and reproductive health
services. It aims to ensure continued supply of contraceptives and functioning
of its Family Welfare Centers (FWCs) situated within health facilities. Those
centers located in densely populated areas will provide phone consultations. Contraceptives
are to be provided to women in quarantine centers via Special Family Planning
Desks.</span></span><br />
<br />
<span style="font-size: large;"><span style="font-family: inherit;">Those providing services in communities such as Lady Health Workers
(LHWs) are to give users with a two-month supply of contraceptives. However,
LHWs in Karachi report that they have run out of medical and contraceptive
supplies. “The government has promised to provide us with personal protective
equipment, but so far we have received nothing. We even have to buy masks and
sanitizers ourselves,” reveals a Lady Health Supervisor. The needs of these
providers cannot be ignored as women are disproportionately represented in the
healthcare workforce, and also have additional burdens of care-giving at home.</span></span><br />
<br />
<span style="font-size: large;"><span style="font-family: inherit;">Doctors tell us that FWCs in Karachi’s government
hospitals are closed due to Sindh’s province-wide lockdown. “Women are leaving
hospitals without any post-partum family planning counselling,” says obstetrician
Dr. Azra Ahsan. Greenstar, an organization that provides SRH services is also
finding it difficult to operate. “Governments are not clear about what
constitutes essential versus non-essential services and so clinics are being
made to shut down,” reports Sana Durvesh about Greenstar’s family planning
clinics.</span></span><br />
<br />
<span style="font-size: large;"><span style="font-family: inherit;">Pakistan can draw lessons from the 2014-2016 Ebola
outbreaks in Liberia, Guinea and Sierra Leone, an indirect impact of which was
a significant <a href="https://www.weforum.org/agenda/2020/04/covid-19-coronavirus-pandemic-hit-women-harder-than-men/">increase
in maternal deaths</a> due to a failure to address SRHR in measures to
control the epidemic. Even during the 2015-2016 Zika virus epidemic in Brazil,
women had <a href="https://time.com/5801897/women-affected-covid-19/">difficulty
accessing contraceptives</a> despite the danger it posed to pregnant women. Many advocacy
groups and organizations, such as the <a href="https://www.reproductiverights.org/document/statement-covid-and-srhr">Center
for Reproductive Rights</a> have called on governments to avoid impacts on SRHR during
the current crisis. Based on these demands and emerging findings on the impact
on SRH services, here are some specific recommendations for Pakistan: </span></span><br />
<ul>
<li><span style="font-size: large;"><span style="font-family: inherit;">Employ
women doctors currently out of the work force to provide tele-health services
from home, such as the initiative <a href="https://sehatkahani.com/">Sehat
Kahani</a>, and enable online prescriptions. </span></span></li>
<li><span style="font-size: large;"><span style="font-family: inherit;"><span style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-language-override: normal; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-size-adjust: none; font-stretch: normal; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: normal;"></span>Provide
Personal Protective Equipment to LHWs so they can continue their work within
communities</span></span></li>
<li><span style="font-size: large;"><span style="font-family: inherit;"><span style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-language-override: normal; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-size-adjust: none; font-stretch: normal; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: normal;"></span>Ensure
supply, availability and accessibility of essential drugs such as misoprostol
through chemists.<a href="https://www.blogger.com/null" name="_GoBack"></a></span></span></li>
<li><span style="font-size: large;"><span style="font-family: inherit;"><span style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-language-override: normal; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-size-adjust: none; font-stretch: normal; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: normal;"></span>Ensure
affordability by increasing availability of free or low-cost obstetric services
and medicines. </span></span></li>
<li><span style="font-size: large;"><span style="font-family: inherit;"><span style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-language-override: normal; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-size-adjust: none; font-stretch: normal; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: normal;"></span>Ensure
availability of contraceptives, including contraceptive injections and
long-acting reversible contraceptives.</span></span></li>
<li><span style="font-size: large;"><span style="font-family: inherit;"><span style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-language-override: normal; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-size-adjust: none; font-stretch: normal; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: normal;"></span>Expand
the testing of women in communities for Covid-19.</span></span></li>
<li><span style="font-size: large;"><span style="font-family: inherit;"><span style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-language-override: normal; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-size-adjust: none; font-stretch: normal; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: normal;"></span>Hire
and train women to serve as contact tracers.</span></span></li>
<li><span style="font-size: large;"><span style="font-family: inherit;"><span style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-language-override: normal; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-size-adjust: none; font-stretch: normal; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: normal;"></span>Expand
online counselling services for women seeking medical, psychological and legal
support for domestic violence during lockdown and as economic conditions
worsen.</span></span></li>
<li><span style="font-size: large;"><span style="font-family: inherit;"><span style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-language-override: normal; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-size-adjust: none; font-stretch: normal; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: normal;"></span>Remove
barriers for domestic violence survivors seeking protection services.</span></span></li>
</ul>
<span style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;">As we grapple with this public health emergency, it is
essential that our response is inclusive of the needs of women, girls and
marginalized groups and capitalizes on opportunities to remove barriers to
quality sexual and reproductive health services.</span>Unknownnoreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8032391584908972316.post-90103475984918321562019-12-31T19:20:00.000+05:002019-12-31T19:21:15.787+05:002019 in Review: Our Top 5 Blogs<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<br /></div>
<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj2R8fxuUqv8_cystZhNgD1Ux5OgkNhJ7JAM0BuGLd_XMJPpTri_qDcJEveSP8qzWpWxeY0JaZDspERccdfT2vNAMqHPTeZlkKzvRxFBrdMmrO_Ndxwsm7Kb0O_N-2tGM1zSPHRl_FsvvFN/s1600/2019+blog+word+cloud.png" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" data-original-height="487" data-original-width="751" height="412" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj2R8fxuUqv8_cystZhNgD1Ux5OgkNhJ7JAM0BuGLd_XMJPpTri_qDcJEveSP8qzWpWxeY0JaZDspERccdfT2vNAMqHPTeZlkKzvRxFBrdMmrO_Ndxwsm7Kb0O_N-2tGM1zSPHRl_FsvvFN/s640/2019+blog+word+cloud.png" width="640" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Word cloud for all our blogs from 2019</td></tr>
</tbody></table>
<br />
<br />
<div class="MsoNormal">
In this year-end review, we look back at our top five blog
posts which highlight the research Collective has recently been engaged in as well
as the evidence-based views of our researchers on important policy issues.<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraph" style="margin-left: 21.0pt; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-indent: -.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><b>1.<span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: normal;">
</span></b><!--[endif]--><b>Climate
Action in Pakistan: Policies at the Top versus Voices at the Bottom <o:p></o:p></b></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraph" style="margin-left: 21.0pt; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-indent: -.25in;">
<b><br /></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
Perhaps the defining problem of
our times, the conversation around climate change and its consequences really
came to the fore globally, with teenager <a href="https://time.com/person-of-the-year-2019-greta-thunberg/">Greta Thunberg</a>
leading the charge for urgent action. Even though Pakistan is the <a href="https://www.dawn.com/news/1520402">fifth most vulnerable country to climate
change</a>, this conversation has not really caught on in the public sphere. <o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
As one important contribution to
this policy issue, Ayesha Mysorewala examines how climate action is understood
in Pakistan. Policies tend to be top-down with a weak state-citizen
relationship. She argues that for serious climate action this relationship
needs to be strengthened. <o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
You can read Ayesha’s piece here:
<a href="http://researchcollective.blogspot.com/2019/09/climate-change-action-in-pakistan.html">http://researchcollective.blogspot.com/2019/09/climate-change-action-in-pakistan.html</a><o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraph" style="margin-left: 21.0pt; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><b>2.<span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: normal;"> </span></b><!--[endif]--><b>The
Plight of Domestic Workers in Pakistan<o:p></o:p></b></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraph" style="margin-left: 21.0pt; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -.25in;">
<b><br /></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
The <a href="https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2019/03/pakistani-women-hold-aurat-march-equality-gender-justice-190308115740534.html">Aurat
March in 2019</a>, a protest organized on 8<sup>th</sup> March 2019 to mark International
Women’s Day, was an extremely successful event that was
held across multiple cities in Pakistan. Women from across class and ethnic divides came together
to demand their rights. While the post-march discussion on social and
electronic media highlighted many of the demands made, one issue and segment of
women that received scant attention was the right to fair compensation for
domestic workers. <o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
Kabeer Dawani looked at legislative gaps for domestic labour and current
wage practices to illustrate how there is a long way to go for domestic work,
which is one of the most exploitative forms of labour, to be recognized as
dignified work.<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
You can read the full essay here: <a href="http://researchcollective.blogspot.com/2019/03/the-plight-of-domestic-workers-in.html">http://researchcollective.blogspot.com/2019/03/the-plight-of-domestic-workers-in.html</a>
<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraph" style="margin-left: 21.0pt; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><b>3.<span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: normal;"> </span></b><!--[endif]--><b>Women
Activists and their Turn to the Courts<o:p></o:p></b></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraph" style="margin-left: 21.0pt; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -.25in;">
<b><br /></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
In an important milestone for women’s rights, the year 2019 was the <a href="https://www.dawn.com/news/1472785/getting-the-law-to-work">first time
someone was convicted under the Sindh Domestic Violence Act of 2013</a> – a full
six years after the law was passed! However, this is not the first time the
courts have been used to advance women’s rights. In fact, as Ayesha Khan
writes, there is a long history in Pakistan of the judiciary being used to make
incremental gains for women. <o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
Ayesha powerfully illustrates through multiple cases that women activists,
from Asma Jehangir and Hina Jillani to Shahla Zia and Sara Malkani, have used
courts strategically to advance human and women’s rights.<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
You can read Ayesha’s article here: <a href="https://researchcollective.blogspot.com/2019/05/women-activists-and-their-turn-to-courts.html">https://researchcollective.blogspot.com/2019/05/women-activists-and-their-turn-to-courts.html</a><o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraph" style="margin-left: 21.0pt; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><b>4.<span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: normal;"> </span></b><!--[endif]--><b>BISP,
Citizenship and Rights Claims in Pakistan<o:p></o:p></b></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraph" style="margin-left: 21.0pt; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -.25in;">
<b><br /></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
The Benazir Income Support Programme (BISP) has recently been mired in
controversy, after the <a href="https://www.dawn.com/news/1524212">Government
of Pakistan recently removed more than 800,000 beneficiaries</a> from their
database. Despite this, BISP remains the the country’s flagship social safety
net programme, and has been widely recognized as a successful cash transfer
programme. <o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
Rehan Jamil, who is currently doing a doctoral dissertation focused on
BISP, provides insights from his field work on how citizens view BISP and the
possible impact on the claims they make on the state. His piece highlights how
BISP has led to changes in women’s mobility and how they access public spaces.
Moreover, Rehan’s work finds no evidence of BISP being used for clientelistic
purposes. <o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
You can read the essay here: <a href="https://researchcollective.blogspot.com/2019/03/bisp-citizenship-and-rights-claims-in.html">https://researchcollective.blogspot.com/2019/03/bisp-citizenship-and-rights-claims-in.html</a><o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraph" style="margin-left: 21.0pt; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><b>5.<span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: normal;">
</span></b><!--[endif]--><b>Women
Leaders in Action: Lady Health Workers’ Protests<o:p></o:p></b></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraph" style="margin-left: 21.0pt; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -.25in;">
<b><br /></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
The Lady Health Workers (LHW)
programme, initiated in 1994, is <a href="https://cdn2.sph.harvard.edu/wp-content/uploads/sites/32/2014/09/HSPH-Pakistan5.pdf">“one
of the largest community health worker programmes in the world.”</a> The aim of
the programme was to provide essential primary health services in previously underserved
areas, and <a href="https://www.who.int/workforcealliance/knowledge/case_studies/CS_Pakistan_web_en.pdf?ua=1">past
evaluations</a> have found the programme successful in improving health
indicators.<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
However, as Komal Qidwai points
out, the LHWs have been protesting since 2002 against low and often delayed
payments. Within the broader sphere of women’s involvement in contentious
politics, Komal’s piece examines the range of tactics used by LHWs to fight for
their rights, including sit-ins, hunger strikes, and the use of courts. The
essay also shows how engaging in protest action has led to empowerment for many
LHWs within their communities.<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<span style="text-align: justify;">You can read the full essay here:
</span><a href="http://researchcollective.blogspot.com/2019/08/women-leaders-in-action-lady-health.html" style="text-align: justify;">http://researchcollective.blogspot.com/2019/08/women-leaders-in-action-lady-health.html</a><br />
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Collective for Social Science Researchhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14396059336103215399noreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8032391584908972316.post-16918050581546756032019-12-04T12:35:00.000+05:002019-12-05T16:25:37.970+05:00Where Does the Global Women’s Movement Go Now?<br />
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">By: <a href="http://researchcollective.org/researchers_info.php?cat=author&val=A_006">Ayesha Khan</a></span></div>
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<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiFMaTtoORm6AYAsakJDaM210eME8taG9ZRml_yI-Cv-F80Qu5OjMoEvh1s0kbocaFdHNvVx9_E1CJeBV1nkmpUucuaAvSHwJOTcffwZorpGOiAdX20tK87HSlk-kuKiSnFKr60NanJtP87/s1600/Blog+Picture.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" data-original-height="1200" data-original-width="1600" height="300" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiFMaTtoORm6AYAsakJDaM210eME8taG9ZRml_yI-Cv-F80Qu5OjMoEvh1s0kbocaFdHNvVx9_E1CJeBV1nkmpUucuaAvSHwJOTcffwZorpGOiAdX20tK87HSlk-kuKiSnFKr60NanJtP87/s400/Blog+Picture.jpg" width="400" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><span style="background-color: white; text-align: start;"><span style="color: #222222; font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: x-small;">CSO Forum participants display solidarity with protesters in Hong Kong. Photo Credits: <a href="https://twitter.com/anakcelup">Suri Kempe</a>.</span></span></td></tr>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif";">The <a href="https://www.unescap.org/events/beijing25-regional-cso-forum">Beijing +25
Asia and Pacific Civil Society Forum</a> held recently in Bangkok brought
together over 300 activists representing 250 organizations and networks for a
three-day convening. Participants assessed progress since 1995 and <a href="https://apwld.org/civil-society-statement-on-beijing25-review-intergovernmental-meeting/?fbclid=IwAR0B_MKuVbkPGWbHb_iwCXcK1yAeYC7FXnBxVomwlJAle6j2z1ukTjlrmq0">crafted
a statement of demands</a> to place before the</span><span style="background: white; font-family: "times new roman" , "serif";"> Asia-Pacific Ministerial Conference on the
Beijing+25 Review</span><span style="background: white; font-family: "times new roman" , "serif";"> </span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif";">that followed the Forum. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif";">The hashtags
#FeministsWantSystemChange and #AngerHopeAction made clear the gathering was a
marker of how little had changed on the ground since the ambitious Beijing
Platform for Action was agreed at the 4<sup>th</sup> World Conference for Women
in 1995. </span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 10.0pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif";">Yet, a generation of new
activists has come of age since then, with powerful concerns that have pushed
the Beijing agenda forward, such as the rights of LGBTQI and disabled persons,
and the need to address digital safety. Women around the world are gravely
affected by the consequences of climate change, the rise of anti-democratic
populism, and a backlash against feminism, which makes 1995 seem more like a
peak moment rather than a starting point for the broader transformation
anticipated at the time. With spaces for engagement shrinking, inequalities
growing, and global regression of hard won sexual and reproductive rights,
there is a lot of anger.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif";">In an attempt to identify
feminist ways forward, discussions on the first day highlighted that the
women’s movement needed to become more inclusive and build deeper grassroots
support. Principles of feminist leadership too need to be upheld, such as promoting
the practices of reflexivity, care and ethics. It is time for the movement to
become re-politicized, strengthen its ties across the older and younger
generation, build inter-movement solidarity, and pay greater attention to
intersectionality. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="background: white; font-family: "times new roman" , "serif";">The Forum opened on the first day of the </span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif";"><a href="https://www.facebook.com/hashtag/16days?source=feed_text&epa=HASHTAG&__xts__%5B0%5D=68.ARD6NRz0I1EwSIBij8zcYQX7LMrtfPbHo94NDxdL_dh4A9dqPkwRbHlLS6atTREsOeDH8z1Qa4VHNdGXnVUdiKTGqi7lAHBgfy2GO7dXrBGfgxqBXyZpAQ3gm9HvtFUEUCCqZLfyeSbkt-7wS-nDp6lF8eOrd8s55zUZPLekB4J3jYTjjntGrd_UsoAlfB9UuScrIYFsBlx0ApbMWglmTqkB4yS9xTxBGhh1LmdzgRTNwwkFQIIt2OFrkKFZIt19wZlmSmrPFEOXBCbynFoK1hWJERN28gDGDIdqXsHwuf6majAWTw9idw524juJmNbBgnJUpCV3h2K6KZa_KwFWn4sg2g&__tn__=%2ANK-R"><span style="background: white; color: windowtext; text-decoration-line: none;">#16Days</span></a></span><span style="background: white; font-family: "times new roman" , "serif";"> of Activism against Gender-based Violence, marking International
Day for the Elimination of Violence against Women (VAW). </span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif";">Three panels were concerned with VAW
– including at the workplace and amongst transgender people. UN Special
Rapporteur on VAW, </span><span style="background: white; font-family: "times new roman" , "serif";">Dubravka Šimonovic,
spoke eloquently about the struggle to have VAW recognized as a violation of
women’s human rights, reminding the audience that at Beijing in 1995 this
recognition was just one year old. She said much progress has been made since
then in our global understanding of the problem and putting enforcement
mechanisms in place. In a tacit acknowledgement of the achievements of #MeToo
and the changed conversation around sex, she challenged the international
community to make the absence of consent a new global standard for the
definition of rape.</span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif";">Australian panelists from Our Watch presented a detailed programme
they have developed for reducing VAW, premised on the argument that gender
inequality sets the necessary context for violence against women. Features of
this context are: condoning of violence against women, men’s control over
decision-making and limits to women’s independence, stereotyped constructions
of masculinity and femininity, disrespect towards women and male peer relations
that emphasize aggression. So, the actions which would reverse that would
involve challenging these norms and values, and strengthening positive
relationships within society. They have developed a framework for monitoring
and evaluating progress on prevention actions. The Our Watch approach is both ambitious and comprehensive. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif";">Yet activists from the region’s
less wealthy countries have to contend with dysfunctional criminal justice and
governance mechanisms, and weak data gathering capacities. They commented it
would be difficult to apply this approach in their respective countries. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif";">Musawah, a Malaysian based
research and advocacy organization working towards equality and justice in the
Muslim family, announced a global drive to reform family laws. Inviting people
from all religions to join in, they called for transformative action to redraw
power relations within the family. They cited a lack of progress since Beijing 1995 in legal reform so critical to improving women’s status in all societies,
not only Muslim ones. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif";">Musawah panelists based their
arguments on the recent work of feminist scholars <a href="https://academic.oup.com/sp/article/26/2/193/5303946">Mala Htun,
Francesca Jensenius and Jami Nelson-Nunez</a>, who reviewed global datasets and
found that family law is the single biggest predictor of women’s economic
empowerment, even more so than egalitarian labour laws and parental leave. They
discovered discrimination in family laws is significantly associated with
female labor force participation, ownership of assets, and ownership of bank
accounts. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif";">Musawah panelists argued that
family law is uniquely resistant to reform, despite or perhaps because it is so
vital to accelerating progress for gender equality. In most countries, family
laws are deeply tied to religious and cultural identities, and, in fact,
personal status laws are exempt from guarantees of equality and
non-discrimination. But, without equality in the family, equality in the public
domain is not achievable.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif";">Their own research found that,
although all countries claim to use the same sources, where Muslim family law
is codified no two countries have done so in the same way. Musawah has
identified<span class="MsoHyperlink"> </span><a href="https://www.musawah.org/mapping-muslim-family-laws/">12 principal issues
of concern</a>. Some address legislative frameworks, such as divorce rights,
inheritance, and child custody. Others are procedural, for example, polygamy,
VAW within the family, and guardianship of children. The third category addresses practices, for instance, capacity of women to enter into marriage, and child
marriage. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif";">All these issues of concern require an examination of existing laws and unpacking how male dominance is built into the
frameworks of legal and social practice. Musawah’s approach is premised on the
argument that human rights and religion are not incompatible, and a feminist
interpretation of religious doctrine – in any scripture </span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">–</span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;"> will eventually enable
reforms in family law. Many younger feminist delegates from Indonesia,
Maldives, Pakistan, India and Malaysia, thought it may be a strategic way to
counter the growing global influence of the religious right. However, for the
older generation of secular feminists, including myself, a uniform civil code
based on a human rights framework may seem more difficult to achieve but
ultimately serves women’s interests best.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif";">It is perhaps indicative of the
direction in which international feminism has gone since Beijing 1995 that
there was little focus at the CSO Forum on the Platform for Action’s
commitments to development and peace. Activists regretted that with the advent
of first the Millenium Development Goals and then the Sustainable Development
Goals (SDGs), the international community considers it adequate to subsume the
feminist agenda within <a href="https://www.unwomen.org/en/news/in-focus/women-and-the-sdgs/sdg-5-gender-equality"><span style="color: windowtext; text-decoration-line: none;">SDG Goal 5</span></a>,
replacing a critique of patriarchy with a discourse of empowerment instead. In
their joint statement, they urged governments represented at the Ministerial Conference
to: ensure the primacy of human rights in economic, trade, and legal
frameworks; invest in social protection and health care for all; examine the
implications of the digital economy for women; and strengthen national
frameworks on gender and disability inclusion.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif";">The <a href="https://www.unescap.org/news/asia-pacific-countries-adopt-declaration-advance-gender-equality-and-women-s-empowerment">Declaration of the Ministerial Conference</a> acknowledged activists’ concerns without explicitly framing their statement in
human rights language. Instead, the ministers recognized women’s economic
contribution and called for measures to include them in the benefits of
development and protect them more effectively from poverty and inequality.
Avoiding the language of rights, patriarchy and feminism altogether, they “committed
to work together with key stakeholders to transform negative gender norms,
discriminatory social attitudes and to eliminate structurally unequal power
relations that persist between women and men.” The Declaration will be heard as
part of the global review of Beijing at the Commission on the Status of Women
in New York next March. Surely many attending will have heard these words
somewhere before, maybe in Beijing. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
Collective for Social Science Researchhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14396059336103215399noreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8032391584908972316.post-82645436379565632062019-11-08T17:22:00.000+05:002019-11-11T11:46:20.311+05:00Performative Protests in Pakistan By: <a href="http://researchcollective.org/researchers_info.php?cat=author&val=A_127">Asiya Jawed</a><br />
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<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgYb59Xn7meWNnMuzv5zfk45nKpMZN1CizrsFy5hrlsFxWH0K1QB8Rw_C6O3BmdBRydcda3MWpCKwuH_S6jcIA0RwcdY1V4WGu5Rd78IoXiGXqAx0JOx3k4WyXf7S0kUn-rX3gEJSpdQuGR/s1600/AJ+blog+picture.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" data-original-height="600" data-original-width="900" height="426" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgYb59Xn7meWNnMuzv5zfk45nKpMZN1CizrsFy5hrlsFxWH0K1QB8Rw_C6O3BmdBRydcda3MWpCKwuH_S6jcIA0RwcdY1V4WGu5Rd78IoXiGXqAx0JOx3k4WyXf7S0kUn-rX3gEJSpdQuGR/s640/AJ+blog+picture.jpg" width="640" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><i style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: small; text-align: start;"><span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: "cambria"; font-size: 11pt; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">Participants holding ‘</span><a data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.dawn.com/news/1394385&source=gmail&ust=1573301168189000&usg=AFQjCNHXhD2uAmTt-DxajNHJ78X_FywVjg" href="https://www.dawn.com/news/1394385" style="color: #1155cc; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank"><span style="background-color: transparent; font-family: "cambria"; font-size: 11pt; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">patriarchy’s funeral</span></a><span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: "cambria"; font-size: 11pt; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">’ </span><span style="color: black; font-family: "cambria"; font-size: 11pt; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">by covering a charpoy with white sheets and carrying it during Aurat March 2019.
Photo Credit: </span></i><a data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.thenews.com.pk/latest/441364-breaking-the-shackles-of-patriarchy-at-aurat-march-2019-in-pictures&source=gmail&ust=1573301168189000&usg=AFQjCNHmCKIY-ZQwkSAqI1abXpzQsZN9YQ" href="https://www.thenews.com.pk/latest/441364-breaking-the-shackles-of-patriarchy-at-aurat-march-2019-in-pictures" style="background-color: white; color: #1155cc; font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: small; text-align: start; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank"><span style="font-family: "cambria"; font-size: 11pt; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">Bismah Mughal</span></a><span style="background-color: white; font-family: "cambria"; font-size: 11pt; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"> </span></td></tr>
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<span lang="EN" style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Pakistani women have managed to raise their voices in the country’s
patriarchal landscape through decades of protest action around a range of
issues, and have met with mixed success. With our ongoing history of
internecine conflicts and civilian mobilizations for their rights, contentious
performance as a protest strategy can prove to be a useful tool.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN" style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Contentious performance is a “learned and historically grounded way of
making claims on other people” </span><span lang="EN"><a href="http://www.histoire-politique.fr/documents/10/autresArticles/pdf/HP10_Tarrow_pdf_270110.pdf"><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">(Tilly 2008)</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">.
“People make claims with words such as condemn, oppose, resist, demand,
beseech, support and reward. They also make claims with actions such as
attacking, expelling, defacing, cursing, cheering, throwing flowers, singing
songs, and carrying heroes on their shoulders” </span><span lang="EN"><a href="http://www.histoire-politique.fr/documents/10/autresArticles/pdf/HP10_Tarrow_pdf_270110.pdf"><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">(Tilly 2008)</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">.These <i>performances
</i>become a catalyst for conversation which helps to unify communities and
demand justice from the authorities. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN" style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><a href="https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.1111/1467-9248.12154?journalCode=psxa">Rai
(2015)</a> defines political performance as a way to communicate meaning-making
related to state institutions, policies, and discourses. Political performances
have spurred several conversations in the local as well as global arena which
has helped reduce the effects of state censorship against these protest
actions. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN" style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">At the Collective for Social Science Research, we are currently studying
women’s leadership and contentious politics, which is the use of unruly and disruptive
techniques to demand a change in government policy or to evolve people’s
perspectives. This research is part of
the “<a href="https://www.ids.ac.uk/programme-and-centre/action-for-empowerment-and-accountability-a4ea/">Action
for Empowerment and Accountability</a>” (A4EA) project, a multi-country
research programme in collaboration with the <a href="https://www.ids.ac.uk/">Institute
of Development Studies</a> (IDS),
focusing on how social and political action impact empowerment and
accountability in fragile, conflict and violence-affected settings. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN" style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">After analyzing several episodes of contentious politics and interviewing
women involved in the protests, we found that women used performance as a
protest strategy in different scenarios through various means. From holding
patriarchy’s “<i>janaza</i>” (funeral
procession) at the Aurat March to Hazara women not burying their loved ones,
the spectrum of protest as performance has been wide and diverse. Art, values,
culture, and symbolism have been a part of the range of contentious
performances in a society where different forms of expression are increasingly
restrained as </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/nov/05/extreme-fear-and-self-censorship-media-in-pakistan-under-attack"><span style="color: #1155cc; font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">civic space shrinks</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN" style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">On 8th March 2019, several activist groups unified to chant slogans,
and march together as a way to demand the rights of women and minorities
residing in Pakistan. The </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2019/03/pakistani-women-hold-aurat-march-equality-gender-justice-190308115740534.html"><span style="color: #1155cc; font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Aurat March </span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">not only took place in metropolitan cities of
Pakistan like Karachi, Lahore, and Islamabad but also in smaller urban centres
such as Hyderabad and Multan. Weeks before the march, these cities were covered
with posters, and invitations were sent via social media portals.
Non-government organizations like the Fisherfolk Forum, the Lady Health Workers
Association, as well as groups representing the Hindu and the Christian
communities were mobilized to attend the event.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN" style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Sheema Kirmani, a leading women’s rights activist, classical dancer
and founder of the theatre group <i>Tehreek-e-Niswan</i>
sang and danced under the open skies at Karachi’s Frere Hall along with at
least three thousand women, non-binary individuals and people from the trans community,
and some men. The slogans and chants at the March varied from highlighting
domestic issues to ending militarization. Participants held ‘</span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://www.dawn.com/news/1394385"><span style="color: #1155cc; font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">patriarchy’s funeral</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">’ <span style="background: white; mso-highlight: white;">by covering a charpoy with white sheets and carrying it on their
shoulders. In a country where women don’t feel free in civic spaces, becoming
pallbearers to patriarchy’s funeral was used as a form of symbolic resistance.
This visual repertoire challenging norms and gender discriminatory rules is a
prime example of how performance is used as a way to protest. </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 12pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN" style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Using performance as a part of protest action is not a recent
strategy. Over a 100,000 Lady Health Workers (LHW) - women hired by the
government of Pakistan to provide family planning and reproductive health
services in communities across the country - had their salaries compromised for
several years. Even though they began protesting in </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://www.dawn.com/news/1248759"><span style="color: #1155cc; font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">2008</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"> to force the government to ensure timely payment, the fractured
system couldn’t meet their demands. In </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://www.dawn.com/news/711593"><span style="color: #1155cc; font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">April 2012</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">, after several small protests, some of the
LHWs threatened to commit suicide by setting themselves on fire at a sit-in in
Islamabad. <span style="background: white; mso-highlight: white;">The performative
nature of this protest drew the attention of authorities to their demands and
they began to be met.</span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 12pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN" style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">In February 2013, ethnic </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://www.dawn.com/news/787001"><span style="color: #1155cc; font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Hazara women</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"> used performativity to demand justice for the
lives that were lost due to sectarian violence. They refused to bury their
loved ones because they were furious with the authorities that failed to
capture members of the Sunni militant group, Lashkar-e-Jhangvi, who bombed a
market, killing 89 people belonging to the minority community. Hazara women
carried out a sit-in with the deceased for four days and received widespread </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-2280587/Ethnic-Hazara-women-refuse-bury-dead-protest-militant-Sunni-attacks-Pakistan.html"><span style="color: #1155cc; font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">media attention</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 12pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN" style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Moreover, the Pashtun Tahafuz Movement (PTM), which aims to end
discrimination against Pashtuns, gained momentum when Naqeebullah Mehsud, an
aspiring model from the Pashtun community was killed in a fake encounter in
Karachi by then police senior superintendent Rao Anwar. In solidarity with the
movement, Pashtuns began wearing the famous red and black cap which was dubbed
the ‘</span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/2018/may/02/pakistani-army-manzoor-pashteen-pashtun"><span style="color: #1155cc; mso-fareast-font-family: Cambria;">Pashteen’ </span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">cap after the leader of the movement, Manzoor
Pashteen. However, selling the cap is now banned and shopkeepers are being
punished if they help promote this symbol of PTM. Anwar was arrested but
subsequently released on </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://tribune.com.pk/story/1961835/1-extension-granted-rao-anwar-bail-annulment-case/"><span style="color: #1155cc; font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">bail</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 12pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN" style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Recently, at Karachi Biennale 2019, artist Adeela Suleman put up an
installation of 444 concrete pillars, one for each life allegedly taken by Rao
Anwar extrajudicially. Her installation, “</span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://www.dawn.com/news/1513428/killing-fields-issue-karachi-biennale-and-police-chief-on-same-page"><span style="color: #1155cc; font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">The Killing Fields of Karachi</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">” was sealed off and banned from public
viewing two hours after it went on display. Men belonging to security forces
blocked the video featuring Mehsud’s father that was part of the installation.
Unknown men vandalized the installation the next day stating that they were
simply following orders given from above.
Moreover, the Biennale organizers justified the </span><span lang="EN"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=A_h6XByOQJk"><span style="color: #1155cc; font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">ban</span></a></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"> of her installation claiming that it did not honor this year’s thematic
requirements. This episode spurred conversation, making civil society members
eager to know more about Rao Anwar and PTM, indicating that the use of art is a
robust form of protest action in the context of Pakistan’s politics. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN" style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Our research shows that women from different
socio-economic backgrounds, religions, and ethnicities have come together to
stage protest actions to grant them justice. <span style="background: white; mso-highlight: white;">Chanting, threatening to self-immolate and using visual
aesthetics are ways in which Pakistani women have carried out creative
resistance. Within a climate of shrinking civic space and censorship, women are
coming up with increasingly innovative strategies to make their voices heard. </span></span></div>
Collective for Social Science Researchhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14396059336103215399noreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8032391584908972316.post-8166640590338723002019-10-25T18:25:00.003+05:002019-11-07T17:50:25.751+05:00Not so Easy Business<div>
By: Muhammad Ali Jan</div>
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<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgOVSYexj4FfoCEhSwsKQqZCIcsCMPrBGyX8Rmqlja2cB0_eUB3RySParXmn6cYIrldQ-hOW8DSDVVB0PBpukZ0TenjoNemqVe91qD3D9CHwmd4BpYaNilWK9BafOEeeeB4bBBye7uuZ3Ft/s1600/Ali+Jan+Blog+image.png" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" data-original-height="361" data-original-width="759" height="304" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgOVSYexj4FfoCEhSwsKQqZCIcsCMPrBGyX8Rmqlja2cB0_eUB3RySParXmn6cYIrldQ-hOW8DSDVVB0PBpukZ0TenjoNemqVe91qD3D9CHwmd4BpYaNilWK9BafOEeeeB4bBBye7uuZ3Ft/s640/Ali+Jan+Blog+image.png" width="640" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Pakistan is part of the top 10 economies that improved the most in 2018/19. Source: World Bank's Doing Business 2020 report</td></tr>
</tbody></table>
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<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%;">Pakistan has jumped 28
places in the World Bank’s (WB) global ‘Ease of Business’ rankings to become one
of the <a href="https://openknowledge.worldbank.org/bitstream/handle/10986/32436/9781464814402.pdf?sequence=2&isAllowed=y">world’s
top 10 performers</a> for 2019. Naturally, the government is ecstatic and the
Prime Minister has <a href="https://twitter.com/ImranKhanPTI/status/1187261088309678081">tweeted</a>
a message congratulating everyone involved in achieving this feat. At a time
when the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) is finding precious little to celebrate – either on the economic
or political front – their jubilation is completely understandable. It is also
true that for a government increasingly obsessed with its international image,
as well as one extremely popular with overseas Pakistanis, these rankings are
meaningful, just like they are meaningful for a section of global investors. However,
it is also important to read these rankings with a great degree of caution, and
key stakeholders as well as the public at large should be aware of their
limitations as well as the errors of commission and omission inherent within
them. Indeed, </span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%;">presenting
these – or any other global cross-country ranking – as some kind of objective
indicator for improved economic governance is not only wrong, it is also dangerously
misleading. </span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%;">Without getting into a detailed critique, I will simply
highlight three main reasons why Pakistan’s 28 place jump – from 136 to 108 –
may mean very little for actual business development and growth in the country.
To begin with, what does the WB’s ‘Ease of Business’ report measure? Briefly
put, what it attempts to asses and compare are administrative hurdles across a
few areas of business regulation, such as registering property, getting
electricity, paying taxes, getting taxes etc. In total, there are <a href="https://www.doingbusiness.org/en/methodology">11 main dimensions</a> that
are combined to make up this ranking</span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%;">. </span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%;">To be more precise, it tries to
assess and compare the legally required time and costs of regulatory compliance
for these aspects of private enterprise across the globe. It gathers
information on these variables through four sources: the laws and regulations in
the <i>books</i>, 'experts' (mostly lawyers, consultants and accountants)
supposedly well acquainted with local business practices, certain government
officials and the WB staff itself.</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white; font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 12pt;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="background-color: white; font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 12pt;">The first problem is that, by the </span><a href="https://www.doingbusiness.org/en/methodology/common-misconceptions" style="background-color: white; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Bank’s
own admission</a><span style="background-color: white; font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 12pt;">, this is far from a comprehensive measure of the business
environment since it does not cover, for example, aspects like security,
macroeconomic stability, corruption, labour skills of the population, the
underlying strength of institutions, the infrastructure or the financial system,-
all of which impact how easy it is to set up a business. Given the lack of any
coherent plan from the government for increasing investment that involves
sub-regional businesses as well as the general environment of crushing
stagflation, it is doubtful that these reforms on their own can lead to a spurt
of new business development.</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white; font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 12pt;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="background-color: white; font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 12pt;">In addition, underlying these rankings is a certain laissez
faire ideological bias so that simply a permissive environment is deemed enough
to spur growth and for the fruits of this growth to be widespread. To give one
example, while the government has made the payment of tax much simpler by
introducing online payment modules, the timing, manner and rate of taxes
themselves are considered by observers to be a reason why cash has disappeared
from the market and the economy has slowed down. Yet, the ease of business
ranking would register the reform on paper as a positive while its effects will
not be counted.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 12pt;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 12pt;">This brings us to a much more fundamental problem with the
ranking: that its source of information involves tax lawyers, accountants,
government officials but <i>not</i> entrepreneurs themselves. This is because
the report is mainly about how rules and regulations exist on <i>paper</i> and
not how they are <i>experienced</i> by actual actors (i.e. firms) on the <i>ground</i>.
A much more reliable measure of actual experience are the WB’s 'Enterprise
Surveys' which cover aspects such as access to finance, corruption,
infrastructure, crime, and competition by interviewing a large random sample of
managers and business owners themselves across a range of enterprise types in
different parts of the country. What these reports show is that for economies like
Pakistan, where close to 70% of all livelihoods are earned in the Informal
economy, the disjuncture between laws on paper and actual experience can be
monstrous. In fact, <a href="https://pubs.aeaweb.org/doi/pdfplus/10.1257/jep.29.3.121">scholars who
have compared the two surveys</a> have found almost ‘zero correlation’ between
improvement in the ranking in terms of laws and actual experience on the ground</span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 12pt;">.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="background-color: white; font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 12pt;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="background-color: white; font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 12pt;">A final limitation of the report is that, even if one were
to accept that the formal laws and regulations are important, they cover them
for only </span><i style="background-color: white; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">two</i><span style="background-color: white; font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 12pt;"> main cities, namely Karachi (where the Sindh government was
as involved in these reforms as the federal government) and Lahore. Therefore,
in addition to the limitation of only looking at laws on paper and not actual
experience on the ground, ignoring the vast informal economy, restricting
surveys to legal and government experts and covering a few aspects of regulation
with a somewhat simplistic idea that less regulation is necessarily better, the
report also suffers from a lack of coverage, which for a country as large and
varied as Pakistan, is extremely misleading.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="background-color: white; font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 12pt;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="background-color: white; font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 12pt;">This is not to say that the report is entirely devoid of
substance or that any other government would not have flaunted a report like
this. It is also true that the global 'development industry' continues churn
out such reports, even when the rankings contradict one another; to give an
example, even as Pakistan has jumped many points on this index, it has </span><a href="https://www.brecorder.com/2019/10/10/529011/global-competitiveness-report-2019-pakistans-ranking-drops/" style="background-color: white; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">dropped
three positions from 107 to 110 on the global competitiveness rankings</a><span style="background-color: white; font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 12pt;">. In
fact, the one key lesson of the current economic morass in the country is this:
policy makers must dispense with the ‘one-size fits all’ approach to
development, particularly that borrowed heavily from the Bank’s neoliberal ‘good
governance’ agenda with its laundry list of reforms.</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white; font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 12pt;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="background-color: white; font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 12pt;">Instead, countries must rely on their own resources (of
course, not in an autarkic sense) to chart a home-grown plan for reform,
economic growth, decent employment and poverty reduction. Of course, that would
require reaching across the aisle - both economically and politically - to
people one may not always agree with or like but who are critical stakeholders
if any stable and prosperous political economy arrangement is ever to evolve.</span></div>
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<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;">The writer
is a Research Associate with the School of Global and Area Studies, University
of Oxford. He can be reached at muhammad.jan@area.ox.ac.uk.<o:p></o:p></span></i></div>
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<br />Collective for Social Science Researchhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14396059336103215399noreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8032391584908972316.post-4667044808053635752019-09-25T20:40:00.000+05:002019-12-31T17:51:15.014+05:00Climate Action in Pakistan: Policies at the Top versus Voices at the Bottom<span style="font-family: inherit;">By: <a href="http://researchcollective.org/researchers_info.php?cat=author&val=A_082">Ayesha Mysorewala</a></span><br />
<br />
<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://cdn.britannica.com/30/145430-050-44870698/shelter-Pakistanis-Thatta-ground-flood-Indus-River-August-2010.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" data-original-height="510" data-original-width="800" height="408" src="https://cdn.britannica.com/30/145430-050-44870698/shelter-Pakistanis-Thatta-ground-flood-Indus-River-August-2010.jpg" width="640" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Pakistani's taking shelter on higher ground near Thatta after the August 2010 flood. Source: Encyclopedia Britannica<br />
<br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 12.0pt; text-align: justify;">
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 12pt;">The
history of the climate change movement is rooted in obscure technical concerns
that are disconnected from the understanding of lay people. Roughly over the
past couple of decades, however, the concern has increasingly captured
widespread public consciousness and international regulatory interests as the
seriousness of the problem has gradually been realized. This is evident in
international diplomatic consensus, such as the United Nations Framework
Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) and the Paris Agreement, on limiting carbon
emissions. The rapid political response is undoubtedly a testimony to the
authority of technical information translating into political action.[<a href="https://mail.google.com/mail/u/0/#m_946427479492217100__ftn1">1</a>]</span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 9.5pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 12pt;">The climate change debate, however, as
Naomi Klein argues in a <a href="https://www.thenation.com/article/climate-change-naomi-klein/"><span style="color: blue;">recent article</span></a>, has for far too long been
compartmentalized and siloed from other crises we face. This is perhaps one
reason why there is continued inaction in many countries. Within this context,
this blog highlights the perils associated with technocratic approaches to DRM
and climate change diverging from the experiences of riverine communities in
Pakistan.<br />
</span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 9.5pt;"><br /></span><b><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 12pt;">How
is climate change understood in Pakistan?</span></b><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 9.5pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 12pt;">In recent fieldwork in Thatta for a
study on social exclusion in disaster risk management (DRM) processes, people
from more vulnerable communities, such as the residents of Katcho (riverine
areas unprotected by embankments), told us that disasters are part and parcel
of other contingencies that they face in everyday life.</span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 9.5pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 12pt;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 12pt;">This is not to say that people are
unaware of climate change. However, instead of technoscientific accounts of
climate change, people framed their issues in the context of environmental
issues (such as weather patterns and intensities of disasters). They made sense
of it through their memories of specific experiences that are a function of
existing vulnerabilities due to their geographical location, class,
caste/kinship group, land ownership and gender. Each of these dimensions is
rooted in historical processes of marginalization that intersect with each
other, and the impacts of climate change.</span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 9.5pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 12pt;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 12pt;">Similarly, paying heed to early
warnings issued by the government, based on predictions of rain millimetres and
water flows (that originate from the MET department and trickle down to local
government/district level authorities), gave way to peoples own sensory
experiences related to the physical landscape. Reactions to these warnings were
again related to various socioeconomic factors. For example, those who were
better off were able to react well in advance, save their belongings and
acquire help from relatives to move to safe places. More vulnerable groups and
individuals had to wait till the very last minute for rescue due to lack of
resources to access vehicles, inability to find a safe space for or evacuation,
women’s needs for privacy and seclusion, or immobility due to disability.</span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 9.5pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 12pt;"><br /></span></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 12pt;">Top-down policies</span></b><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 9.5pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 12pt;">A lack of understanding of these
realities result in top-down policies based on a widespread institutional
narrative that local communities are ignorant and lack awareness. The recently
passed Climate Change Act for example, although an important step
towards fulfilling global commitments, </span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 9.5pt;"><a href="http://www.lead.org.pk/lead/postDetail.aspx?postid=345"><span style="color: blue; font-size: 12.0pt;">has been criticized</span></a></span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 12pt;"> for (1) being top-down and
disconnected from local realities and political context of Pakistan, and (2)
lacking direction on how these commitments will be achieved.</span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 9.5pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 12pt;">We need to develop political spaces
that give opportunity for states and citizens to interact with each other and
for policy to be context driven. This has implications for greater trust and
two-way communication between high level bodies at the top and those who are at
the frontlines of the impacts of climate change. </span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 9.5pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 12pt;">There are recent examples of
improved state-citizen relations due to climate action and DRM policies that
pay attention to local issues in tandem with technical approaches. In her
research on the post-flood response in 2010, </span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 9.5pt;"><a href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/09584935.2017.1407294"><span style="color: blue; font-size: 12.0pt;">Ayesha Siddiqi notes</span></a></span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 12pt;"> that the use of digitized
citizenship by NADRA to universally address the needs of people opened a new
space for state-citizen relations that was based on entitlements and rights,
rather than systems of patronage. This developed a new narrative that diverged
from the dominant one of the state being absent.</span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 9.5pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 12pt;">Recently, </span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;"><a href="https://tribune.com.pk/story/2005593/1-dying-thirst-farmers-march-150kms-quest-water/?amp=1"><span style="color: blue; font-size: 12.0pt;">over a thousand farmers in Sindh marched</span></a></span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 12pt;"> to demand a water emergency.
A few thousand more young people </span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;"><a href="https://www.dawn.com/news/1506308/pakistanis-march-along-with-millions-across-the-globe-for-climate-action-now"><span style="color: blue; font-size: 12.0pt;">rallied for climate action</span></a></span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 12pt;"> last Friday across the
country. This shows that there is not just an appetite for change but also a
willingness to engage with the state for action. Prime Minister Imran Khan also
delivered a speech at the United Nations Climate Action Summit this week,
requesting international coordination and assistance. While he waits, perhaps
the Prime Minister can start with a coordinated response by the Pakistani state
and an examination of the citizens’ demands.</span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 9.5pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<a href="file:///C:/Users/WINDOWS/Downloads/AM%20Blog%20_%20finalish.docx#_ftnref1" name="_ftn1" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-GB"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "calibri" , sans-serif; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 107%;">[1]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-GB"> <a href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1111/0004-5608.00245">Demeritt</a>
argues that scientific concerns only partially drove this response. The public
outrage following damages due to large disasters are part responsible for these
actions.</span><o:p></o:p></div>
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<br />Collective for Social Science Researchhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14396059336103215399noreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8032391584908972316.post-76162304413042995782019-08-31T23:52:00.000+05:002019-09-06T12:23:23.999+05:00Women Leaders in Action: Lady Health Workers’ ProtestsBy <a href="http://researchcollective.org/researchers_info.php?cat=author&val=A_123">Komal Qidwai</a><br />
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<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEid_A7a-87S0vWmYXlmpx39ypcnSY0HAFskFTc2V_DtIjkibVBf_1VM5KKCZqFR2CuJF5Kd0ZtFvrskwPZ-wHNkJE8hGswsUoTcnVxbF7s3s-WUWzEgnyMGisnMrc5D_wyUV9YkiuXxrw4/s1600/16435085363_ac978df6ff_o.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" data-original-height="1200" data-original-width="1600" height="300" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEid_A7a-87S0vWmYXlmpx39ypcnSY0HAFskFTc2V_DtIjkibVBf_1VM5KKCZqFR2CuJF5Kd0ZtFvrskwPZ-wHNkJE8hGswsUoTcnVxbF7s3s-WUWzEgnyMGisnMrc5D_wyUV9YkiuXxrw4/s400/16435085363_ac978df6ff_o.jpg" width="400" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">A health worker vaccinates a child during a polio vaccination campaign in a rural area in Punjab.<br />
Photo credit: flickr.com</td></tr>
</tbody></table>
Since <a href="https://cdn2.sph.harvard.edu/wp-content/uploads/sites/32/2014/09/HSPH-Pakistan5.pdf">2002</a>, Lady Health Workers (LHWs) have protested against low stipends and delayed payments. The LHW Program, initiated by Benazir Bhutto in 1994, now employs <a href="https://cdn2.sph.harvard.edu/wp-content/uploads/sites/32/2014/09/HSPH-Pakistan5.pdf">over 100,000 workers</a>. The aim of the program is to provide primary health services to women in rural and urban slum areas through LHWs, who are residents of the community they work for. Until 2012, LHWs were contractual employees. After their <a href="https://qspace.library.queensu.ca/bitstream/handle/1974/8103/Diwan_Maliha_201307_MA.pdf?sequence=2&isAllowed=y">regularization</a> in early 2013, they became full-fledged government employees, entitled to benefits, guaranteed payment of salaries, and a clear trajectory for career advancement through a service structure.<br />
<br />
LHWs employ a range of protest strategies to have their demands heard. From sit-ins and marches to hunger strikes and self-immolation, these women-led protests have managed to achieve regularization, as well as increases in salaries. LHW’s protest action is one example of women’s involvement in contentious politics in Pakistan, which is currently being researched at the Collective for Social Science Research. We are conducting this study under the <a href="https://www.ids.ac.uk/programme-and-centre/action-for-empowerment-and-accountability-a4ea/">A4EA</a> (Action for Empowerment and Accountability) research program, in collaboration with the Institute of Development Studies (IDS), University of Sussex. <br />
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According to <a href="https://kse.ua/wp-content/uploads/2018/10/download.pdf">Ivan Gomza</a>, contentious politics refers to political action which operates outside of institutions, such as government bodies. Disadvantaged groups use protests to voice their demands through collective action. Our research is focused on understanding women’s role in this type of political action, including the emergence of women leaders, their demands, and protest strategies. <br />
<br />
Along with my colleagues, I interviewed founder and president of the All Pakistan Lady Health Workers’ Welfare Association, Bushra Arain. We learned that initially she struggled for permission to join the program as she faced resistance from her in-laws, extended family and husband. Through our interviews with women leaders in other types of protest action, we found that support from male family members is important for the emergence of women leaders. The same is true for Arain, who had to convince her family to become an LHW. <br />
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After joining the program, Arain was quickly promoted to the position of a Lady Health Supervisor. She experienced harassment from male colleagues, such as a doctor who was responsible for training her. She and other supervisors protested/objected and had him removed from the program. At the same time, Arain also realized that the program was helping a large number of people, but its workers were not being paid enough or on time. By 2008, she had formed the LHW Association and in 2010, LHWs <a href="https://www.dawn.com/news/1248759">across all four provinces</a> protested on the streets, demanding increase in wages and regularization. To mobilize LHWs for collective action, she travelled all over Pakistan, forging connections with workers in different provinces. Her leadership style matches that of many other women leaders from our other interviews – she engages in grass-roots mobilization herself, taking on responsibility and bearing high personal costs such as threats to safety and distance from her children and family. <br />
<br />
Many of the LHW street protests are carefully staged. Describing a hunger strike in 2010 outside the Islamabad Press Club, Arain says that there were forty protesters in the sit-in, and every time one would leave, she would be replaced by another. This way, the protestors were able to maintain their numbers. In another sit-in during <a href="https://www.dawn.com/news/711593">April, 2012</a>, some of the protestors gave the government an ultimatum - either their demands for regularization be heard by 3 p.m., or they would self-immolate. A lack of government responsiveness pushed twenty-five protestors to sprinkle petrol on themselves, and one driver even sustained burn injuries. This compelled government officials to step in and assure the protestors that their demands would be met. <br />
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Staging protests is one of the many organizational strategies LHWs employ. They have also effectively used the courts by filing a petition in the Supreme Court in 2010 for their regularization and increase in salaries. However, it was the cruel treatment of the protestors <a href="https://tribune.com.pk/story/137072/marvi-memon-arrested-near-ghotki/">at the hands of the police in 2011</a> which finally prompted then Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry to take suo moto notice of LHWs’ demands. Even after the Supreme Court issued orders for their regularization, there were delays in implementation and LHWs continued protesting to ensure the court orders were followed through. Arain describes this combination of using courts and street protests, “The world saw that (their protest) and pressurized the government.” So creating a spectacle by staging protests induces the government to sit down with the protestors, undertake formal negotiations about their demands, and follow through with necessary action. <br />
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However, they could not have filed a petition without legal aid, and Arain claims that advocates such as Qazi Anwar, now president of the Supreme Court Bar Association of Pakistan, helped LHWs draft and file the court petition. Forging alliances, then, is also a key strategy for successful protest action. As early as 2000, before the LHW Association was formed, it was through the help of the All Pakistan Women’s Association (APWA), Aurat Foundation, and the Pakistan Paramedical Association that Arain and her colleagues had the doctor who was allegedly sexually harassing them removed from the LHW program. LHWs also form alliances with influential politicians, such as <a href="https://tribune.com.pk/story/137072/marvi-memon-arrested-near-ghotki/">Marvi Memon</a>. Memon was an MNA from 2008 to 2011, and her presence at their protests during those years afforded the LHWs some protection from police brutality. Even now, LHWs continue to build alliances, such as the Aurat March, and are engaging in protests to improve their conditions. <br />
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Apart from having their demands met, engaging in protest action has also led to personal empowerment for many LHWs. Arain, for instance, recalls that at the beginning of her career, she used to cry if she was chided by a person of authority. Now, after threats and beatings, she is not afraid of any backlash. Other women in the Association look at her with reverence, and her charisma certainly plays a role in marking her out as a leader. She has built this credibility over a long period of struggle. Our interviews in relation to other types of protest action reveal that many women at the forefront of protest actions have followed similar trajectories – enduring high personal costs, forming alliances, learning new organizational strategies, and emerging as leaders. <br />
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Unknownnoreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8032391584908972316.post-41290150142699232192019-08-02T18:23:00.000+05:002019-08-03T14:26:08.734+05:00HIV in Pakistan: Who knows, who cares?By Shehrzadae Moeed and Adil Sayeed<span style="text-align: center;"><br /></span>
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<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgoVVFaDIE2qrWrOhs5ZVokZ4S17gIfJxFUR0qkJMYhbelR6Mj61FJVO811J6Xq5cI2kWeSF1igKzmnxe2vRJXwywbG8t1YX9Ss_pSOXi-dFNxG4iedyjy5Rw-zXJp332X4kRhHIesmQhA/s1600/image+from+torange_biz+free+photobank.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" data-original-height="971" data-original-width="1200" height="321" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgoVVFaDIE2qrWrOhs5ZVokZ4S17gIfJxFUR0qkJMYhbelR6Mj61FJVO811J6Xq5cI2kWeSF1igKzmnxe2vRJXwywbG8t1YX9Ss_pSOXi-dFNxG4iedyjy5Rw-zXJp332X4kRhHIesmQhA/s400/image+from+torange_biz+free+photobank.jpg" width="400" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Photo credit: Torange.biz</td></tr>
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In April 2019, a doctor in Larkana’s Ratodero sub-district was arrested for allegedly passing on Human Immunodeficiency Virus, or HIV, to his patients. In the aftermath, as the Government of Sindh moved into firefighting mode, more than 30,000 individuals were screened, of which <a href="https://www.samaa.tv/news/2019/06/number-of-hiv-positive-cases-jumps-to-851-in-larkana/">851 tested HIV positive</a>. More than 64% of these were under the age of six. In Kot Imrana, Punjab, the number of <a href="https://www.thelancet.com/journals/laninf/article/PIIS1473-3099(19)30038-6/fulltext#%20">people with HIV increased</a> from 1.4% in June 2018 to 13.4% in January 2019. It has been reported that over 5000 quack doctors operate in the area and 869 people have been diagnosed with AIDS. A recent <a href="https://www.dawn.com/news/1496459">report by the UNAIDS</a> puts Pakistan on a list of 11 countries with the highest global prevalence of HIV, at 13%. <br />
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Why has Pakistan experienced sharply increased rates of HIV? In this blog, we will look at the data to assess why HIV remains prevalent and use cross-country evidence to learn lessons on tackling what is a very manageable illness. <br />
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<b>HIV and its causes</b><br />
HIV is an infectious disease that is spread through the blood, such as through used syringes, or transmitted sexually. It can also be transmitted to children if the mother is pregnant. The infection damages the immune system, and its most advanced stage develops into AIDS (Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndrome), which is life-threatening. It is a serious illness with global efforts to tackle it. However, even though it is a lifelong condition, developments in medicine mean that, with proper and regular treatment, an infected person can live a full life. <br />
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Commonly, the causes of the growth of HIV prevalence in Pakistan, similar to many developing countries, are attributed to medical negligence, a broken healthcare system, unregistered blood banks, and unlicensed practitioners, including quacks. In addition to this, the common Pakistani “<a href="https://www.dawn.com/news/1481948">penchant for receiving injections and drips as quick fix in lieu of healthy nutritional lifestyles</a>” contributes to the inclining HIV prevalence in Pakistan. <br />
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Further, <a href="https://www.dawn.com/news/1478899">migrant labour forces</a> open to commercial sex, and increasing man-to-man sexual activity, also contribute to this. In any other country where same-gender sex isn’t a criminal offence, governments work hard to ensure the practice of safe sex. In Pakistan, however, taboos around sexual health make it difficult for sufferers to seek help or even find a support group. If no one can talk about sex, who’s ever going to talk about safe-sex? <br />
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<b>What does the data tell us</b><br />
While the proximate causes commonly discussed in the media may have to do with unsafe sex, reusing needles, blood transfusions, and similar unsafe practices arising from quackery, medical negligence or drug use, the data suggests that the underlying cause, however, is the lack of awareness of sexually transmitted illnesses (STIs). <br />
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In the <a href="https://www.nips.org.pk/abstract_files/PDHS%20-%202017-18%20Key%20indicator%20Report%20Aug%202018.pdf">Pakistan Demographic and Health Survey (PDHS) 2017-18</a>, only 32% of women and 67% of men reported that they had heard of AIDS. In Sindh, this is even lower, with 26% of women and 49% of men reported being aware of AIDS. These figures are very low. <br />
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Furthermore, out of every 100 women, less than 4 are aware of the fact that there is a treatment for HIV and less than 3 know where to receive HIV treatment. Similarly, less than 33% of men are aware of the fact that there is a treatment for HIV, and less than a quarter have any knowledge of treatment centers. Comprehensive knowledge about HIV is abysmally low, with only 4% women and 10% men being familiar with the details of this illness.<br />
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A lack of awareness of this public health challenge is thus endemic – a flip side of the same coin, however, is the discrimination among those who are aware. In the same survey, more than 50% of the respondents said they would not buy fresh vegetables from a shopkeeper who has HIV. Similarly, 46% of women and 48% of men who are aware of AIDS said they would not want HIV positive children to go to a school with those unaffected by this illness. <br />
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Discrimination in a population acts as a disincentive for people to get tested and treated. It is the taboo associated with HIV and AIDS that also leads to less people being open about it, thereby reinforcing the lack of awareness. <br />
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<b>Way forward</b><br />
What is clear is that the Government of Pakistan’s National AIDS Control Programme (NACP), which was established in 1986-87 and has received significant donor financing, has been ineffective in tackling the social causes of HIV/AIDS prevalence. Perhaps there is a need to learn from other countries – after all, Pakistan is not the first country facing this issue. <br />
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In Brazil, for example, massive reduction in cases can be largely <a href="https://www.who.int/hiv/events/artprevention/greco.pdf">attributed</a> to a massive awareness program (prevention) coupled with widespread distribution of free medication (treatment). Their ministry of health also utilized social media in a 2014 awareness campaign. This also assisted in reducing the population growth <a href="https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/SP.POP.GROW?locations=BR-PK&name_desc=false">rate</a> which currently stands at a relatively low 0.8% as compared to Pakistan’s 2% annual growth rate. The success of Brazil’s AIDS campaigns is evident today as <a href="https://www.avert.org/professionals/hiv-around-world/latin-america/brazil">84% of the population</a> with HIV is aware of their condition as compared to just 15% in Pakistan. <a href="https://www.avert.org/professionals/hiv-around-world/latin-america/brazil"></a><br />
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In sum, Pakistan needs to rethink its strategy to fight HIV and AIDS. HIV, if caught and treated, can yield a normal life for those infected with it. If not treated properly, however, HIV can quickly develop into AIDS, which is life-threatening and a miserable condition to be in for someone infected with it. The spreading of STI’s and the chances of HIV developing into its last stage of AIDS are particularly high because of the lack of awareness and stigma associated with them in Pakistan. The NACP needs to tackle these head on, perhaps by talking about these issues from an early age, including sexual education in school, as other countries, including Brazil, have done. As long as there is a lack of awareness regarding the issue, these epidemics will continue to prevail and the people will continue to suffer.<br />
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<i>The authors were interns at the Collective in July 2019. </i><br />
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Unknownnoreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8032391584908972316.post-21515059863651724012019-06-29T11:18:00.001+05:002019-07-01T10:24:09.997+05:00Reproductive rights<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
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by <a href="http://researchcollective.org/researchers_info.php?cat=author&val=A_006">Ayesha Khan</a><br />
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<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiypVJTHCeQrJamXrubv4oC0HSa6ihwrd5JicVDDxPvfB2QfGAIBYyvX2Kvy5PZHV5LPAIKURIHuo0LCMgtxoActPi2apDefVAY3UbBcT_7G1TjGvVKt1UHrZP8Sp5TkLYlJzJapBA89Bg/s1600/Sindh_High_Court+cropped.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" data-original-height="402" data-original-width="793" height="324" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiypVJTHCeQrJamXrubv4oC0HSa6ihwrd5JicVDDxPvfB2QfGAIBYyvX2Kvy5PZHV5LPAIKURIHuo0LCMgtxoActPi2apDefVAY3UbBcT_7G1TjGvVKt1UHrZP8Sp5TkLYlJzJapBA89Bg/s640/Sindh_High_Court+cropped.jpg" width="640" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Sindh High Court<br />
Photo credit: Wikimedia Commons</td></tr>
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We are one step closer to having maternal health recognised as an inalienable right in the Constitution. The Sindh High Court recently ordered the government to make good on its commitment to set up four fully functioning obstetric fistula repair centres in the province, in response to a petition pending since 2015.<br />
<a name='more'></a><br />
The positive outcomes from this case show how the judiciary can provide space for civil society to monitor the government and hold it accountable on its promises. In an interim order in 2015, the court ordered the formation of a committee comprising government officials and public health professionals to develop a plan to implement policies for the prevention and treatment of obstetric fistula. In effect, the court put into place a three-way partnership — government, judiciary and civil society — to fix the problem of obstetric fistula.<br />
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The fruits of this advocacy strategy are already under way. The Sindh government has begun the process of establishing four fistula repair centres and training doctors to perform fistula repair surgery. The health department has disbursed half of the Rs11.76 million funding allocated for this purpose, and the Sindh government has begun to recruit gynaecologists to staff the centres in Hyderabad, Nawabshah, Sukkur and Larkana. As a result of the court orders, the government also produced crucial information regarding the gaps in its implementation of policies. For example, the government revealed that only 97 of the 147 sanctioned posts for gynaecologists in government hospitals in Sindh have been filled.<br />
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Obstetric fistulas are a preventable complication of prolonged obstructed labour, resulting in internal damage to a woman that renders her incontinent. Without surgical repair, she risks being ostracised in her own community and suffers enormous damage to her quality of life. Hundreds of women a year across Pakistan become victims of fistulas because they receive inadequate prenatal care and are denied effective emergency obstetric services. Although the federal and Sindh governments have adopted a number of policies to address reproductive health, including the 2005 National Framework on Maternal Newborn and Child Health, the implementation of these policies remains weak and inconsistent.<br />
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Public interest litigation filed in the Sindh High Court in 2015 argued this violates women’s right to life (Article 9) and the right to dignity (Article 14), both guaranteed under the Constitution. Petitioners included Kiran Sohail (a fistula survivor), Tehrik-e-Niswan (a performance group) and Dr Shershah Syed (a well-known gynaecologist and expert in fistula repair). Petitioners also argued that the failure to implement maternal health policies is a violation of the government’s international treaty obligations, including the Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination Against Women and the International Covenant on Economic Social and Cultural Rights.<br />
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For over three years, lawyer Sara Malkani diligently pursued the petition, pushing stakeholders to support the process of taking the government to court for failing to honour its own policy commitments. The opportunity to use the court to ensure government accountability in this way is unfortunately underutilised. Readers are more familiar with court action in cases involving the government’s financial corruption instead, which inevitably have an air of political motivation about them, or cases where judges take suo motu notice of public interest matters that attract their attention.<br />
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In this case, however, experts and activists drove the fistula petition to push the Sindh government to act positively, ie to fulfil its own policy commitment and start implementing a programme that may have sat on the shelf indefinitely because it lacked political immediacy. This is an example of effective use of public interest litigation to enforce the fundamental rights of those who are among the most marginalised: low-income women of reproductive age.<br />
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This is what rights-based accountability should look like. The Sindh government should welcome this order because it empowers those public-sector stakeholders who care about women and health to renew their commitment. Reproductive health stakeholders and activists, too, will welcome this opportunity to support the government to do its job better.<br />
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The ultimate winners are women in Sindh. Perhaps the time is right to initiate a rights-based accountability process to benefit women across the other provinces of Pakistan, so that all Pakistani women can benefit. The ideal outcome of a case along these lines would be a judgement recognising that maternal/women’s health is an integral component of women’s human rights, thus enriching the rights discourse and application in the Pakistani context.<br />
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<i>This article originally appeared as an <a href="https://www.dawn.com/news/1484018">op-ed at Dawn.com</a></i>Unknownnoreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8032391584908972316.post-46371978213310598162019-06-14T15:33:00.000+05:002019-06-14T15:34:47.441+05:00Low Cost, Low Access? A Misplaced Focus on Drug Pricing in PakistanBy <a href="http://researchcollective.org/researchers_info.php?cat=author&val=A_079"><span style="color: purple;">Kabeer Dawani</span></a><br />
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<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjuPlMp59sdXeogRMC5TntU7PWY1QV_V9JmF_eA4RXKOC__Gc83EYN42A6SbHqPxvM1YPHBL4tcjQCc8Ve6c5Jtf2BbhEjyDav13USpYU_IdKDfO2c5wx1CYpyuAiwV1UWZiU_KCLiGtGA/s1600/pink-medications-and-pills.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" data-original-height="899" data-original-width="1600" height="223" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjuPlMp59sdXeogRMC5TntU7PWY1QV_V9JmF_eA4RXKOC__Gc83EYN42A6SbHqPxvM1YPHBL4tcjQCc8Ve6c5Jtf2BbhEjyDav13USpYU_IdKDfO2c5wx1CYpyuAiwV1UWZiU_KCLiGtGA/s400/pink-medications-and-pills.jpg" width="400" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Source: https://www.goodfreephotos.com</td></tr>
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There has been uproar in the media on recent increases in medicine prices, some of which are viewed as exorbitant. Many opposition politicians have made <a href="https://www.dawn.com/news/1457172">public statements</a> condemning the government for this and social media is rife with disapproval. Further, as part of the cabinet reshuffle on 18th April 2019, the Federal Health Minister was removed, with the <a href="https://www.thenews.com.pk/latest/460163-inside-story-of-cabinet-reshuffle">media claiming</a> that this is because of the increased medicine prices.<br />
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Given medicines are a necessity, and in an environment with high inflation, some of the uproar is understandable; but are the claims that there is overpricing correct, or were these price increases legitimate? And what does pricing mean for availability of essential medicines, which are vital for public health? For the past six months I have been engaged in a <a href="https://ace.soas.ac.uk/grant-project-pakistan-pharma/">research project</a> on strategies to address corruption in the pharmaceutical sector, in partnership with the <a href="https://ace.soas.ac.uk/">SOAS Anti-Corruption Evidence research consortium</a>. While the project is still ongoing, I will borrow from this work to provide historical context to this round of price increases, point out negative consequences of controlling prices, and make a case for decontrolling prices for non-essential medicines. <br />
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<b>Medicine Pricing Over the Years</b> <br />
The pharmaceutical sector is unique in Pakistan in that the universe of products have controlled prices, which are by and large enforced. This control is inconsistent and prone to rent-seeking. There was a virtual freeze of prices from 2001 to 2013, despite rising costs of production. Then in October 2013 the Nawaz Sharif government initially increased, but very quickly revoked this increase. The manufacturers went to court and managed to get a stay on the original increase. Following that, a pricing policy was introduced for the first time in 2015. <br />
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Due to inconsistent applications of the policy and pricing disparities from the past, litigation on medicine prices in various courts piled up, including on the 2015 policy. Eventually, the Supreme Court took all the cases together through a <a href="https://www.dawn.com/news/1424845">suo motu notice</a>. On the SC’s orders and with due consultation, another pricing policy was introduced in 2018. <br />
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Over the past few years, the costs of production – mainly for raw materials, 95% of which are imported – have increased drastically due to two factors. First, devaluation of the Rupee since 2017 has increased this cost. Second, China’s environmental policy has resulted in an <a href="http://www.globaltimes.cn/content/1114320.shtml">increase of prices of chemicals</a>, and since China is the biggest supplier for Pakistan, this means higher raw material costs. <br />
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It is in this context that medicine prices were increased recently. In December 2018, the Drug Regulatory Authority of Pakistan (DRAP), through three Statutory Regulatory Orders (SROs) , allowed an increase in 600-plus medicines because of ‘hardship cases’ (but also reduced prices for 395 medicines). Then, acting on a SC order, and in lieu of the currency devaluation, <a href="https://tribune.com.pk/story/1885938/1-medicine-prices-set-rise-across-pakistan/">DRAP permitted another increase</a> of 9% for essential medicines and 15% for non-essential medicines. While there is no doubt some manufacturers may have increased their prices beyond that permissible, in general the price increase was merited and, in fact, long overdue. <br />
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<b>Costs of Over-Regulation </b><br />
The conventional argument in favour of controlling prices of medicines is a populist one: governments put a ceiling on medicine prices so as to enable the low income population to have access to affordable medicine. This seems to be borne out by the current controversy over increased prices, and the recent announcement by the Pakistan Pharmaceutical Manufacturers Association (PPMA) to reduce prices by <a href="https://www.dawn.com/news/1476835">10-15 percent of 464 medicines ‘voluntarily’</a>. There is indeed public pressure to keep prices in check – but does this also have a cost to economic growth and public health? <br />
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Our research into this shows that there are significant negative consequences to the strict price controls practiced in Pakistan. These costs pertain to shortages of key medicines, often leading to black marketing and increased imports, higher drug resistance, and withdrawal of multinational firms. <br />
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Businesses, by definition, operate for profit, and pharmaceutical manufacturers are no different. With a freeze in prices and no consistent increases, even though initial prices may yield high margins for manufacturers, these margins are inevitably squeezed over time because of inflation. The result is that producing a medicine is not profitable any more, leading to shortages of many essential medicines. For example, in 2015 there were multiple <a href="https://tribune.com.pk/story/826069/pharma-industry-fears-drugs-shortage-could-worsen/">reports</a> of a shortage in medicines for tuberculosis. When there are shortages, some people hoard supplies and sell on the <a href="https://www.dawn.com/news/1289752">black market for up to 50 times the original price</a>, or the same drug is imported for a higher cost. The consequence of either an absence of a key medicine or much higher monetary costs is thus borne by the consumer. <br />
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The shortage hurts the poorest segments of society, who can only afford to get medicines from public health facilities, the most. One <a href="https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC3661571/">study estimated</a> that, of a basket of essential medicines, only 15% are available in the public sector. This is not only because of public procurement issues because in the private sector, availability, at 31%, was twice as better but still much below what it should be. <br />
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When a medicine is not profitable to produce anymore, many manufacturers register a new drug to produce. At registration, manufacturers can get a price with high margins so that even if there is no increase over the short-to-medium term, they can make a profit. Thus, many first-generation drugs have stopped being made and instead manufacturers have gone on to produce second and third-generation medicines, which are more expensive. These new drugs can have prices that are ten-times higher than the original first-generation medicine. Again, the burden of this falls on the consumer whose out-of-pocket expenditure rises. <br />
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In addition to the costs to the general population, there is also a negative consequence to the economy and to public health because many multinational companies (MNCs) have exited the Pakistani market. Since there is no research and development of drugs in Pakistan, all new products are brought into the health system through MNCs who develop new medicines elsewhere. MNCs also have higher standards than local firms and invest heavily in developing human capital through trainings. This has a positive spillover in the local industry as pharmacists who are trained in these firms then go on to improve the quality of medicines being produced locally. Thus, the exit of MNCs, in addition to the economic costs of disinvestment, also leads to negative consequences on public health through other means. <br />
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<b>Policy Implications </b><br />
There appears to be a surprisingly effective political consensus on keeping medicine prices suppressed, and to which citizens hold governments accountable. Even prices that were raised through the proper mechanism, as defined in the pricing policy, have been criticized. However, given the issues I have described above, this consensus is misplaced because it misses out on the more important goal of access to medicines. Focusing only on affordability has the negative, and hugely important, consequence of unavailability of key medicines and in turn affects public health. <br />
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There is an urgent need to decontrol prices for non-essential medicines. With more than 750 manufacturers, there is sufficient competition in the industry to ensure that no one increases prices astronomically. In fact, one manufacturer told me that before the devaluation hit them, they used to sell 70% of their medicines below the notified maximum retail price. <br />
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The state can, however, rationally control prices of essential drugs. This will ensure that medicines which are prioritized will not have prices spiraling out of control. <br />
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More importantly, I would argue there needs to be a shift in the current political consensus. Instead of keeping prices in check, access to affordable medicines should be made through the existing government (primary, secondary and tertiary) healthcare system. Provincial governments already do this at scale and this can be improved and expanded. <br />
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Finally, in the medium term there also needs to be a concerted effort by the state to incentivize the production of pharmaceutical raw materials within Pakistan. Not only will this help reduce the trade deficit, it will also reduce the exposure of prices to fluctuations in the currency market, create jobs, and spur economic growth. <br />
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<i>Disclaimer: This blog is an output of a research programme (<a href="https://ace.soas.ac.uk/">SOAS-ACE</a>) funded by UK Aid from the UK government. The views presented in this blog are those of the author and do not necessarily represent the views of the UK Government’s official policies. <br /><br />A version of this blog was originally published by <a href="https://www.dawn.com/news/1479611/is-freezing-drug-prices-a-rational-health-policy"><span style="color: purple;">Prism, Dawn</span></a>. </i>Unknownnoreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8032391584908972316.post-47745666567346739332019-05-31T10:18:00.001+05:002019-12-04T12:09:46.024+05:00The language of disabilityBy <a href="http://researchcollective.org/researchers_info.php?cat=author&val=A_082">Ayesha Mysorewala </a>and <a href="http://researchcollective.org/researchers_info.php?cat=author&val=A_097">Saba Aslam</a><br />
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<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiPouQjNYVISgMctuOHgK7fxPV-SFIO6m5H9_YwakkI1quMDmmXbL2wnqA1-CP8boEAmMJ0yJ42VOeLeHxcKcWYSByFz665bnK5vdif5WndUS3ll9A3GOcnYGaArFqcgMD2IvweZlMX2w4/s1600/Disability+blog+photo.JPG" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" data-original-height="298" data-original-width="1073" height="176" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiPouQjNYVISgMctuOHgK7fxPV-SFIO6m5H9_YwakkI1quMDmmXbL2wnqA1-CP8boEAmMJ0yJ42VOeLeHxcKcWYSByFz665bnK5vdif5WndUS3ll9A3GOcnYGaArFqcgMD2IvweZlMX2w4/s640/Disability+blog+photo.JPG" width="640" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Source: Pakistan Population Census report (1998). Pakistan Bureau of Statistics</td></tr>
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Globally, the dialogue on disability has made a lot of progress. The 2006 <a href="https://www.un.org/development/desa/disabilities/convention-on-the-rights-of-persons-with-disabilities/convention-on-the-rights-of-persons-with-disabilities-2.html">UN Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities</a> (UN CRPD) marked an important shift in the discourse on disability by moving away from taking a medical approach towards a social model of disability. The social model suggests that “the barriers individuals face are not a result of their impairments (that the problem is not the individual), but that the barriers are created by society, attitudes and the physical environment”.<a href="file:///C:/Users/User/Downloads/The%20language%20of%20disability%20v2.4%20AM%20SA%2030%20May.docx#_ftn1">[1]</a> If a person with a disability (PWD) is able to exercise rights through for example, inclusive education, accessible transport, and has equal opportunities to work at public or private institutions, this may imply a social model of disability or a rights-based approach. <br />
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We argue that language used for disabilities has a key role in shaping barriers and access to an inclusive society. <br />
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A recent <a href="http://www.nowpdp.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/02/British-Council-Report.pdf">report</a> by the British Council that focused on mainstreaming young Pakistanis with disabilities finds that persons with disabilities (PWDs) are often overlooked in discussions about Pakistan’s future. This is despite the fact that Pakistan has ratified the UN CRPD in 2011. <br />
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One manifestation of our collective lack of focus on disabilities is a lack of vocabulary and understanding for disability in local languages, including Urdu. <br />
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While conducting qualitative fieldwork for an ongoing project “<a href="http://www.researchcollective.org/project_info.php?id=C_085">Mainstreaming Inclusive Resilience in South Asia</a>”, we were investigating the experiences of vulnerable groups, including PWDs, in natural disasters in Sindh. We found that there are varying understandings in communities regarding who counts as disabled. In surveys, this makes it very difficult to effectively identify PWDs. <br />
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Our team tried to establish a common vocabulary to discuss how communities understand disabilities. The Urdu word <i>mazoor </i>was an obvious choice (which has also been used in the Urdu questionnaire of the previous census). In qualitative interviews, however, this induced an image of a person who has physical impairments. Probing into specific types of disabilities led us to find that many categories such as hearing and/or speech impairments are not perceived as disabilities unless they prevent a person from engaging in productive work. <br />
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The problem of researching intellectual disabilities is even more complex. Communities themselves offered terms to us during the qualitative interviews. Disempowering words such as charyo and pagal were mentioned by a number of respondents to identify and describe extreme forms of intellectual disabilities, which to some extent indicates a culture of stigma and pity. In Sindhi speaking areas, we settled on using the word Jaddo (impairments) to enquire about disabilities. This created room to discuss more subtle intellectual disabilities such as slow learning in schools. It was clear, however, that people did not identify the latter as disabilities or mazoori. This led us to conclude that disability is constructed in a social context. <br />
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There is the additional complexity of variations in meaning attached to local terms in different contexts. Many of the local terms (including the ones mentioned above) are deeply rooted in the specific historical context of different communities, which warrants an entirely separate blog. The implication, however, is a need to exercise nuance in the meanings we attach to the terms that are used. <br />
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The lack of local metaphor to describe the concept of disabilities have implications for research and policy. The most significant one is the underreporting of PWDs. <br />
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The Pakistan Demographic and Health Survey (PDHS) 2017-18 follows an International Classification of Functioning, Disability, and Health that covers six core domains – seeing, hearing, communication, cognition, walking and self-care and disaggregates impairments, which is useful as respondents are asked about their level of difficulty in each of the domains. However, the 1998 census<a href="file:///C:/Users/User/Downloads/The%20language%20of%20disability%20v2.4%20AM%20SA%2030%20May.docx#_ftn2">[2]</a> reports mental disabilities in two categories: insanity and mental retardation<a href="file:///C:/Users/User/Downloads/The%20language%20of%20disability%20v2.4%20AM%20SA%2030%20May.docx#_ftn3">[3]</a> which may reinforce stigma, and make it less likely for respondents to report disability. <br />
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Undercounting in turn reflects a weak emphasis on needs of disability in policy and its implementation. Most legislative changes that have occurred are subject to the 1981 Disabled Persons Employment and Rehabilitation Ordinance, which deals mostly with setting quotas for PWDs in jobs. Post-devolution amendments to the Ordinance, however, focus on creating accessible infrastructure, providing special identity cards and expanding cash assistance to PWDs. Even though there are few laws that address broader issues of social exclusion at the national level.<a href="file:///C:/Users/User/Downloads/The%20language%20of%20disability%20v2.4%20AM%20SA%2030%20May.docx#_ftn4">[4]</a>, we find that <a href="http://www.sindhlaws.gov.pk/setup/publications/PUB-18-000046.pdf">Sindh Empowerment of Persons with Disabilities Act 2018</a> and <a href="http://pabalochistan.gov.pk/pab/pab/tables/alldocuments/actdocx/2018-10-23%2011:12:48act-2-2017-disability.pdf">Balochistan Persons with Disabilities Act 2017</a> follow a social model of disability. The Sindh 2018 Disability Act is particularly <a href="https://www.dawn.com/news/1418701">exceptional</a> as it stresses on inclusion of PWDs in all institutions. It is not clear however, the extent to which these legislations are implemented. <br />
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There are no comprehensive records of PWDs at local administrative levels such as districts and Union Councils. There is also a lack of sensitization around disability amongst local government officials and the district and Union Council levels. In our discussions with communities, we found that this leads to great deal of exclusion of PWDs and their needs in evacuation and relief measures, and adds greater burdens on already distressed households in disaster-prone areas. It also leads to inappropriately designed interventions by organizations funded by donors who pressurize an emphasis on disability without it being internalized by those implementing the programmes. <br />
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There is a need to foster open debate on disability and establish a more contextualized understanding and empowering language for various kinds of disabilities at all levels. Comprehensive legislation in all provinces (and its tracking) would be an excellent step. However, there is still a long way to go in moving from a culture of neglect and stigma around disability to one that focuses on empowerment and rights. Perhaps the first step can be thinking about how we talk about PWDs in our everyday conversations. <br />
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<a href="file:///C:/Users/User/Downloads/The%20language%20of%20disability%20v2.4%20AM%20SA%2030%20May.docx#_ftnref1">[1]</a> The Economist Intelligence Unit. (2014). Moving from the Margins: Mainstreaming Persons with Disabilities in Pakistan. <br />
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<a href="file:///C:/Users/User/Downloads/The%20language%20of%20disability%20v2.4%20AM%20SA%2030%20May.docx#_ftnref2">[2]</a> Full reports on disability from 2017 census are not yet publicly available <br />
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<a href="file:///C:/Users/User/Downloads/The%20language%20of%20disability%20v2.4%20AM%20SA%2030%20May.docx#_ftnref3">[3]</a> The Mental Health Ordinance of 2001 provides a relatively comprehensive set definitions of intellectual impairments. Gilani et al (2015) argue that this law outdated archaic and imprecise terms such as lunatic, insane and asylum <br />
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<a href="file:///C:/Users/User/Downloads/The%20language%20of%20disability%20v2.4%20AM%20SA%2030%20May.docx#_ftnref4">[4]</a> Special Citizens Act (2008), for example, states that PWDs shall be provided access at all public places such as reserved seats in public places and in transport Unknownnoreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8032391584908972316.post-68109930985201003762019-05-06T18:30:00.000+05:002019-05-08T14:08:56.411+05:00Women activists and their turn to the courtsBy <a href="http://researchcollective.org/researchers_info.php?cat=author&val=A_006">Ayesha Khan</a><br />
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<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhuuIxoADm3DxHaitCcfzaSkJVXMNTwliK400eAi_gniEx67_ycUkWdY-Fi-qWh6PBp8sf3-KGNW76H2hVF7lsWmHuIsMbf9DmFjKgl6tCCTi7r8bNLw2o556OJs4cct1gjzs5gcefnoxc/s1600/Shelter+Conference_Hina+Jilani.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" data-original-height="683" data-original-width="1024" height="266" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhuuIxoADm3DxHaitCcfzaSkJVXMNTwliK400eAi_gniEx67_ycUkWdY-Fi-qWh6PBp8sf3-KGNW76H2hVF7lsWmHuIsMbf9DmFjKgl6tCCTi7r8bNLw2o556OJs4cct1gjzs5gcefnoxc/s400/Shelter+Conference_Hina+Jilani.jpg" width="400" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Hina Jilani, a renowned lawyer and leading activist in Pakistan's women's movement speaking at World Conference of Women's Shelters, 2015<br />
Photo Courtesy: Hina Jilani<br />
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Women’s activists in Pakistan have a strong tradition of turning to the courts to advance their rights, and in the process edifying the courts, government, public and media along the way. Along with my colleagues Sara Malkani (an advocate of the High Court and representative of the Center for Reproductive Rights) and<span id="goog_2040403516"></span> <a href="http://researchcollective.org/researchers_info.php?cat=author&val=A_110">Zonia Yousuf</a><span id="goog_2040403517"></span> at the Collective, we have spent many months collecting documentation and conducting interviews with activists (mainly members of Women’s Action Forum (WAF)) to understand how and why they have turned to the courts even during very dark periods in our nation’s history. <br />
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Naysayers (and there is no shortage of them here) would argue, why bother with a corrupt judiciary and an even more corrupt political establishment? No one really believes in the rule of law! True, even Prime Minister Imran Khan recently promised to preserve the jirga system in erstwhile FATA even after the Supreme Court explicitly declared tribal jirgas unconstitutional in January this year. This final judgment from Saqib Nisar ended a story that began with activists petitioning against jirga in Sindh, which declared them unconstitutional in 2004, and followed with petitions to the Supreme Court filed by the National Commission on the Status of Women (2012) and the KP government (2018), all invoking our fundamental rights (including Article 10A, right to a fair trial) and demanding women’s protection from customary practices, honour killings, and other crimes sanctioned by this retrogressive remnant of our so-called culture. <br />
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But if you were a woman in Pakistan, and found yourself accused of zina during the 1980s, you surely would have wanted Asma Jahangir or Hina Jilani to fight for you and invoke, as they often did, Article 25 (equality of citizens) and Article 4 (right of individual to be dealt with in accordance with law) of your fundamental rights in your defence. You would surely be relieved to know they won almost all of their thousands of cases before it became virtually impossible to file charges of zina when the law was finally amended in 2006. <br />
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And if you were Rukkaiya Iqbal, filing the first ever case under the new 2013 domestic violence law in Sindh, surely it would be a profound relief to see your abusive husband jailed and sentenced for his years of violence towards you, and you would be grateful that Karachi advocate Sara Malkani believed in the courts enough to argue your case even though it would be the first time the judge had ever heard of the new law. <br />
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We all know that rape trials almost never end in conviction, but since activists fought so hard, despite protestations from the Council of Islamic Ideology, to have the law changed, politicians finally passed the 2016 Anti-Rape Law to make DNA testing mandatory in cases of rape. This, too, was on the back of a constitutional petition on the use of DNA testing, filed by Salman Akram Raja and activist Tahira Abdullah in 2012, to mandate improvement in investigation and trial procedures. Now it is hard to believe there was ever any argument about the admissibility of DNA as evidence. <br />
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And it bears mentioning that an adult woman’s right to marry out of her own free choice was fiercely contested in the 1990s, when the cases of Saima Waheed, Humaira Butt, and two hundred others were heard by the Lahore High Court, while the media and public alike were transfixed by the spectacles of these young women turned on by their fathers for refusing to be married off against their will? Patriarchal authority was on trial during those years, and it didn’t fare too well as lawyers Jahangir and Jilani used Articles 25 (right to equality) and Article 35 (protection of family) to defend women’s right to choose. Ultimately they won their cases, and the Supreme Court gave a final ruling in 2004 upholding this right. But, are we really still talking about this in the 21st century? <br />
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Believe it or not, activists were swimming against a turbulent tide of public and media indignation over the daughters who defied their parents, but thankfully we seemed to have moved on to other issues. Among them is the right of a woman giving birth not to die or be injured for life in the process. In 2015 Malkani filed a petition on behalf of activist Sheema Kermani’s theatre group Tehrik-e-Niswan, Dr Shershah Syed and Kiran Sohail in the Sindh High Court (SHC). She argued that women who suffer from debilitating obstetric fistula (a rupture caused by prolonged labour due to inadequate emergency health care services) have their rights to life and dignity violated and the Sindh government must properly implement its maternal and neonatal and child health programme to end this entirely avoidable and debilitating injury. <br />
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In February this year, the SHC recently ordered fistula repair centres to be established in four district hospitals in Sindh, and all reports suggest the government is responding promptly. Certainly justice delayed is somewhat better than denied altogether. <br />
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This is just part of the story about women’s strategic use of the courts. WAF member and lawyer Shahla Zia filed the most important environmental public litigation case in our history in 1992, against WAPDA for inflicting damage upon life and citizens, and won it in the Supreme Court two years later. Her achievement was to have the right to a clean environment recognized as part of our inviolable right to life, leading to the first Pakistan Environmental Protection Act in 1997. <br />
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The tone of our recent 2018 elections was altogether different from any previous one, for many reasons. One was because new laws had ruled out the possibility of banning women in communities from voting, a practice favored by the religious right and their friends in some parts of the country. This was the result of petitions filed as far back as 2001, when activists protested against the conduct of elections in district Swabi, and later again in 2015 against bans in Lower Dir. While the latter petition is still pending in the Supreme Court, the Election Commission of Pakistan got the point and helped politicians to ensure the 2017 electoral reforms contained a provision requiring at least ten percent of women in each constituency to caste their vote for the polling to be valid. <br />
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And the story doesn’t even end here, as I have yet to refer to the cases about other petitions regarding missing persons, arbitrary detentions, bonded labourers, non-Muslims’ right to divorce, and more. Until next time. <br />
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<i>This blog is based on
research conducted as part of our work with <a href="http://researchcollective.org/project_info.php?id=C_075">Action for Empowerment and Accountability</a>, a programme supported by UK Aid and conducted in collaboration
with the <a href="https://www.ids.ac.uk/programme-and-centre/action-for-empowerment-and-accountability-a4ea/">Institute of Development Studies </a>at the University of Sussex.</i></div>
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